A Change of Indonesian Police Chief: A Moment for Institutional Renewal and Public Expectations of Law Enforcement

1. Introduction

Leadership determines the direction and quality of an institution. In the right hands, an organisation can become more agile, more honest and more trusted. Weak leadership, by contrast, can leave an institution adrift, however great the resources and powers at its disposal. For that reason, any change at the very top deserves to be read more closely than as a mere administrative event.

In Indonesia, the National Police (Polri) plays an especially strategic role. It safeguards security and public order and, at the same time, enforces the law, coming into direct contact with the public every day. Almost every citizen has dealt, or will one day deal, with the police: reporting a lost document, filing a complaint as a victim, driving along a main road, or facing legal proceedings. It is these small encounters that shape how people see the state and the law.

Given that position, a change of National Police Chief (Kapolri) is never regarded as an ordinary rotation of posts. It always draws public attention, raises fresh hopes and offers an opportunity to assess the direction and performance of the police service. This article reads the change of Kapolri as a moment for institutional renewal: what meaning the public attaches to it, what hopes accompany it, what challenges lie ahead, and what yardstick should be used to judge its success.

 

2. A Change of Kapolri as a Normal Part of State Organisation

At bottom, a change of leadership is a normal part of the life of any state organisation. No post is meant to be held for ever. Generational renewal at the top makes room to refresh policy, take stock of what has been achieved, acknowledge remaining shortcomings and adjust strategy to ever-evolving challenges.

Every leader brings a different style, set of priorities and outlook. Some excel at internal consolidation, some stand out for innovation, and others are adept at building rapport with the public. A change of leader allows an institution to draw on new energy without abandoning the foundations already laid. What is hoped for is continuity in what works well, together with the courage to correct what has not yet been done as it should.

Within this framework, a change of Kapolri is best understood as part of the machinery of institutional renewal, not simply as a political event or a swap of personalities. Its value will be felt only if it is followed by real change in working culture, the quality of service and the way the institution treats the people it serves.

 

3. The Departure of Listyo Sigit and the Meaning the Public Attaches to It

Although such a change is organisationally routine, the replacement of Kapolri Listyo Sigit carries a wider significance for many people. They read it as a signal that President Prabowo is willing to listen to the voices that have long echoed in the public sphere. The criticisms, hopes and aspirations voiced by the public over the past few years are seen as having found a response in this decision.

Whether or not that perception is correct, it is worth noting. Public perception is a social reality that shapes how people judge their government and its institutions. It shows that people want leaders who are attuned to the voice of the people and who do not turn a deaf ear to calls for change. In a democracy, that kind of responsiveness is one measure of the quality of leadership.

A distinction should also be drawn between perception and certainty. The true reasons behind a decision to replace an office-holder are known only to those who made it. The public's reading should therefore be treated as interpretation and expectation, not as settled fact. Yet precisely because that interpretation is alive in society, both the government and the new police leadership have good reason to answer it with tangible results.

What is at stake, then, is not merely who occupies the highest post in Polri, but the institution's capacity to keep improving itself, raise its professionalism and strengthen public trust.

 

4. Public Expectations of the New Kapolri

Public expectations of the new Kapolri can be summarised under five main headings. They are closely intertwined and hard to separate from one another.

 

4.1 Strengthening Professionalism

Professionalism is the first foundation. The new Kapolri is expected to foster a working culture in which merit and integrity are the main basis for developing officers' careers. When promotions and postings rest on ability and track record, officers are encouraged to work conscientiously. Where closeness to the powerful counts for more, the spirit of professionalism easily fades.

Professionalism also means ensuring that the law is enforced fairly and consistently. The public will judge Polri by one simple question: is the law applied equally to everyone, regardless of office, wealth or proximity to power? Consistency in answering that question is far more convincing than any statement.

 

4.2 Raising Public Trust

Public trust is the principal asset of any police service. Without it, citizens are reluctant to come forward, cooperation in preventing crime weakens, and every action by an officer is met with suspicion. Trust cannot be demanded; it can only be built through consistent experience.

Transparency in handling cases, openness of information and swift responses to public complaints are therefore demands that keep resurfacing. People who file a report have a right to know how it is progressing. People who lodge a complaint have a right to a clear reply. These apparently simple matters, if carried out consistently, have a considerable effect on the institution's image.

 

4.3 Reinforcing Internal Oversight

No institution is perfect. Every large organisation will have members who make mistakes. What distinguishes a trusted institution from a distrusted one is how it responds to those mistakes. The public hopes that every violation by a Polri officer will be dealt with firmly and openly, rather than being covered up in the name of protecting the institution's reputation.

Strong internal oversight is the foundation of institutional credibility. Ironically, an institution that is willing to expose and punish its own wrongdoing is often respected more than one that appears spotless but is closed. Openness in enforcing discipline is evidence that the institution respects the law, even when the offender is one of its own.

 

4.4 Being Ready for the Digital Age

Technology has changed the face of crime. From online fraud to transnational cybercrime, offenders can now operate remotely, conceal their identities and reach many victims at once. These forms of crime demand capabilities different from those needed to tackle conventional offences.

Polri needs to strengthen its capacity through innovation, better training of its personnel and the appropriate use of technology. The word 'appropriate' matters here: technology should be used to enhance service and protect the public, not merely as a badge of modernisation. Good digital capability will also help Polri to provide services that are easier to access and more accountable.

 

4.5 Putting a Humane Approach First

The public wants a police force that is firm and humane at the same time. Firmness and humanity need not be set against each other. A humane officer is not a weak one, but one who enforces the law in a way that respects human dignity.

An approach that puts service, dialogue and the protection of citizens first will strengthen relations between Polri and the community. When people feel they are treated with respect, they are more willing to cooperate. In the long run, a humane approach actually makes law enforcement more effective, because it is underpinned by trust and public participation.

 

5. The Challenges Ahead

Expectations on this scale are naturally accompanied by formidable challenges. At least three stand out for the new Kapolri.

 

5.1 The Growing Complexity of Crime

Crime is becoming more complex in its methods, its networks and the means it uses. Effective law enforcement demands analytical ability, coordination across agencies and speed of action. Polri must keep adapting so as not to be left behind by evolving criminal methods.

 

5.2 Demands for Transparency and a Balance of Rights

Public demands for transparency are growing stronger. People are no longer satisfied with the outcome alone; they also want to know the process behind it. At the same time, Polri must strike a balance between enforcing the law and protecting citizens' rights. Efforts to punish crime must not come at the expense of human rights, just as the protection of rights must not become an excuse for weakening enforcement. Maintaining this balance requires judgement, clear rules and effective oversight.

 

5.3 The Glare of Social Media

Social media means that any action by an officer can instantly come under public scrutiny. A short video can spread within hours and shape broad opinion, sometimes before the facts are fully known. This can act as a useful check, but it also calls for care in how it is handled.

In these circumstances, the ability to build accountability and communicate well is crucial. Polri needs to explain its actions quickly, honestly and in terms people can follow, and to be willing to acknowledge and put right any errors. Defensive communication tends to deepen suspicion, whereas open communication helps to restore trust.

 

6. The Role of Different Parties in Seeing Renewal Through

Institutional renewal cannot be left to one person alone. The Kapolri certainly holds the reins of leadership, but changing an organisation's culture requires the involvement of the whole force, from senior commanders to officers on the beat. Change that goes no further than statements will not be felt by the public.

Civil society, the media, academics and oversight bodies, for their part, have an important role in monitoring the process. Constructive criticism, objective scrutiny and recognition of genuine progress are all needed. Healthy external oversight is not a threat to the institution but a partner that helps keep renewal on course.

The government, and the President as the authority who makes the appointment, likewise has an interest in ensuring that the hopes growing in society do not remain mere hopes. Consistent political support for reform efforts will determine how far renewal can go.

 

7. Conclusion

In essence, a change of Kapolri is not merely the replacement of a senior state official, but an opportunity to strengthen the quality of the police institution as a whole. The moment opens the way for fresh ideas, approaches and energy in meeting the challenges facing Polri.

For some members of the public, the change is also a sign that the public voice still counts in the decisions of the state. It is therefore understandable that expectations of the new Kapolri run so high: a leader of integrity, professional, transparent, close to the people and willing to reform the institution from within.

In the end, the success of a Kapolri will be measured not by the extent of the powers held, but by the ability to build public trust. A strong police institution is born not only of the authority conferred by statute, but also of the moral legitimacy that grows out of justice, integrity and service to the community. That is the real test for the new leadership.

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A Reflection on Pancasila Sanctity Day : Resilience That Is Lived, Not Merely Memorised

In Indonesia, the morning of 1 October always arrives quietly. The flag is raised, the ranks stand upright, and the five principles are recited together, as they have been for many years. Yet behind that calm morning lies the memory of a long night: the night of 30 September 1965, when some senior officers of the armed forces were abducted and killed in an event the state regards as a threat to the foundation of the nation. At dawn, the nation was still standing, and Pancasila remained the common anchor.

From that event came the word 'kesaktian', often rendered as 'sanctity' or 'potency'. But the word is easily misunderstood. It is not an amulet that makes the nation immune to danger, nor a spell that needs only to be uttered once a year. This essay invites us to ask, more honestly, where the true 'kesaktian' of Pancasila lies, and what we must do to keep it real and prevent it from shrinking into the memory of a ceremony.

 

From the Dawn of 1 October

Pancasila Sanctity Day is observed every year on 1 October. The first commemorative ceremony was held on 1 October 1966 at Lubang Buaya, and the observance was later confirmed by Presidential Decree No. 153 of 1967. Unlike Pancasila Birthday on 1 June, which was made a national holiday by Presidential Decree No. 24 of 2016, 1 October is not a public holiday. It is a day for remembering and for renewing commitment.

The commemoration is, first of all, a tribute to the victims: Lieutenant General Ahmad Yani, Major General Suprapto, Major General S. Parman, Major General M.T. Haryono, Brigadier General D.I. Panjaitan, Brigadier General Sutoyo Siswomiharjo and Captain Pierre Tendean, together with other victims, including a small child, Ade Irma Suryani Nasution. She was the youngest daughter of Grand General Abdul Haris Nasution; she was five years old at the time. They must not become mere names in a textbook. A civilised nation honours those who have fallen, and to remember them is to affirm that killing can never be justified as a political path.

The state subsequently settled its position. Through MPRS Decree No. XXV/MPRS/1966, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) was dissolved and declared a banned organisation, and the doctrine of communism/Marxism-Leninism was prohibited throughout Indonesia. The decree rests on the consideration that the doctrine is incompatible with Pancasila, and that its adherents, the PKI above all, had on several occasions in the Republic's history attempted to overthrow the lawful government by force. The decree remains in force today. In the state's view, the attempt to displace the foundation of this nation did not succeed, and that is where the meaning of 'kesaktian' begins: Pancasila endured as the foundation of the state.

 

The Meaning of an Enduring Strength

In everyday speech, the word 'sakti' is often imagined as a supernatural power. In the context of nationhood, its meaning is far more down to earth: staying power. Pancasila is 'sakti' not because it is immune to trial, but because it has proved able to serve as a common ground that holds when the nation is tested.

That common ground did not appear overnight. On 1 June 1945, before the Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Indonesian Independence (BPUPKI), Soekarno set out five foundations for an independent Indonesia, later known as Pancasila. After being debated and refined by founders of many religious, ethnic and intellectual backgrounds, its final formulation was adopted on 18 August 1945 as part of the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution. Pancasila was born of deliberation and ratified through agreement. It was not the decree of one group over another, but the shared pledge of a plural nation to live in one house.

For this reason, the strength of Pancasila lies in its ability to embrace: believers of different faiths, peoples of many ethnicities, and regions from Sabang to Merauke. If 1 June is the day of its birth and 18 August the day of its ratification, then 1 October is a reminder that the foundation of the state must be guarded and defended, not merely celebrated.

Here lies the greatest temptation: to regard this strength as something already finished. The ceremony is attended, the principles are memorised, the banners are hung, and life then carries on as though none of it were connected. A Pancasila that is only memorised soon becomes an ornament. It becomes 'sakti' only when it is lived.

 

Pancasila and the Constitution: Two Anchors as One

Pancasila does not stand in an empty space. Its formulation appears in the fourth paragraph of the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution, immediately after the aims of the state: to protect the whole Indonesian nation and the entire homeland, to advance the general welfare, to educate the life of the nation, and to take part in maintaining world order. Law No. 12 of 2011 affirms that Pancasila is the source of all sources of state law. In other words, Pancasila is the soul, and the constitution is the body that translates it into rules that can be enforced.

Read side by side, the two explain each other. The first principle is reflected in Article 29, which states that the state is based on Belief in the One and Only God and guarantees each resident the freedom to practise his or her religion and to worship according to that religion and belief. The second principle lives in Articles 28A to 28J on human rights, including the right to life, together with the duty to respect the rights of others. The third is safeguarded by the principle of the unitary state, whose form is expressly placed beyond amendment by Article 37(5). The fourth is reflected in Article 1(2), which places sovereignty in the hands of the people. The fifth finds expression in Articles 33 and 34 on the economy and social welfare.

One further point deserves emphasis. Article 1(3) declares that Indonesia is a state based on law. This means that Pancasila is defended by law, not by anger. The constitution gives us both fences and freedoms: fences so that no one may abolish the foundation of the state, and freedoms so that every citizen may worship, express opinions and associate within the bounds guaranteed by law. 

The Five Principles Before Our Age

The first principle, Belief in the One and Only God, is not only an acknowledgement that we are a religious nation, but a demand that faith should give rise to good character. The challenge today is not only doctrines that deny God, but also attitudes that use religion to demean, exclude or hate one's fellow human beings. This principle teaches that genuine faith makes a person more courteous, not more aggressive.

The second principle, Just and civilised humanity, requires us to regard every person as a being of dignity, including when we disagree and when we defend the state. Precisely because Pancasila embodies humane values, it must never be defended in ways that trample on humanity. 

The third principle, the unity of Indonesia, is tested when society is divided by political choices, identity and falsehoods. Unity is not uniformity. It is the willingness to remain one nation despite our differences, and to place the interests of Indonesia above those of any group.

The fourth principle, Democracy guided by the inner wisdom of deliberation among representatives, reminds us that our democracy is more than counting votes. It demands wisdom, a readiness to listen, and honesty on the part of the people's representatives. Vote-buying, hate speech and the mobilisation of crowds through hoaxes are quiet betrayals of this principle.

The fifth principle, Social justice for all the people of Indonesia, is the one most often tested in daily life. Corruption, inequality and unfair public services erode the people's trust in the state. We have no need to borrow other ideologies in order to pursue justice, for social justice is already a founding ideal of our own state, and it must be realised by constitutional means: even development, decent education and clean government.

 

Defending Pancasila in a Pancasila Way

Defending the foundation of the state is the duty of every citizen. The state's position on doctrines that seek to abolish Pancasila is clear: communism/Marxism-Leninism is prohibited under MPRS Decree No. XXV/MPRS/1966, and Law No. 1 of 2023 on the Criminal Code, in force since 2 January 2026, provides in Articles 188 to 190 for criminal penalties for publicly spreading that doctrine or any other ideology contrary to Pancasila, for founding organisations that adhere to it, and for public statements intended to abolish or replace Pancasila. Vigilance against the possible return of that doctrine, including in new packaging, is part of loyalty to the constitution.

Yet threats to Pancasila do not come from one direction alone. Every ideology that seeks to abolish Pancasila, every movement that rejects diversity, every group that imposes its will by force, and every act of corruption that eats away at social justice is a threat to our common home. To confine our vigilance to a single name is the surest way to grow careless about the others.

The manner of defence must also match what is being defended. Pancasila is defended with knowledge, not ignorance; with law, not vigilantism; with evidence, not slander. MPR Decree No. I/MPR/2003 itself requires that the prohibition be applied justly and with respect for the law, the principles of democracy and human rights. Accusing people of being enemies of the state without evidence, or breaking up citizens' activities by force, is no proof of love for Pancasila. It in fact violates the second principle and Article 1(3) of the 1945 Constitution. Our law also keeps room open for study for the purposes of scholarship, as Article 188(6) makes clear, for a strong nation is not afraid to study its own history.

For this reason, education in history and in Pancasila is the sturdiest bulwark. Young people need to know what happened in 1965, why the state took the position it did, who the victims were, and why Pancasila deserves to be defended. This strength is not passed on through prohibition alone, but through understanding.

 

Resilience in Ordinary Days

The true strength of Pancasila is tested not on the parade ground but in ordinary days. It is present when a citizen checks the news before sharing it, when neighbours of different faiths look after one another, when a public servant refuses an envelope, when a voter turns down vote-buying, when a teacher teaches history honestly, and when a young person chooses to argue with reasons rather than insults.

These values are simple, but not easy to live by. That is precisely why they deserve to be called 'sakti': they can make ordinary people, through small acts, into guardians of the nation.

 

Epilogue

The first of October will keep coming. The flag will be raised, the principles will be recited, and the victims will be remembered. But the true measure is not how solemn our ceremony is, but how honestly we live out, once the ceremony is over, what we have pledged.

Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution are the legacy of the nation's founders, paid for dearly by the struggle and sacrifice of many. Guarding them is not the business of one group or one generation. So long as we remain loyal to the foundation of the state and the constitution, respect the law, uphold humanity and nurture unity, so long will Pancasila remain 'sakti', and Indonesia will remain standing.

Pancasila becomes 'sakti' not when it is proclaimed most loudly, but when it is lived most honestly.

 

Constitutional and Legal References

1. Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945: Preamble, fourth paragraph (aims of the state and the formulation of Pancasila).

2. Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945: Article 1(2) and (3); Article 27(1); Articles 28A to 28J (human rights and the duty to respect the rights of others); Article 29; Article 31; Article 33; Article 34; and Article 37(5).

3. Law No. 12 of 2011 on the Formation of Legislation, Article 2 (Pancasila as the source of all sources of state law).

4. Presidential Decree No. 153 of 1967 (designating 1 October as Pancasila Sanctity Day) and Presidential Decree No. 24 of 2016 (designating 1 June as Pancasila Birthday and a national holiday).

5. MPRS Decree No. XXV/MPRS/1966 on the Dissolution of the Indonesian Communist Party, its Declaration as a Banned Organisation throughout the Republic of Indonesia, and the Prohibition of Any Activity to Spread or Develop the Doctrine of Communism/Marxism-Leninism; and MPR Decree No. I/MPR/2003, Article 2 (remains in force on the condition that it is applied justly and with respect for the law, the principles of democracy and human rights).

6. Law No. 1 of 2023 on the Criminal Code (in force since 2 January 2026): Article 188 (spreading and developing the doctrine of communism/Marxism-Leninism or other ideologies contrary to Pancasila; paragraph (6) exempts study for scholarly purposes), Article 189 and Article 190.

7. Presidential Decree No. 17 of 2022 on the Team for the Non-Judicial Resolution of Past Gross Human Rights Violations, and the President's statement of 11 January 2023 acknowledging the 1965-1966 events as one of the gross human rights violations.

Bahasa