Stories from the Sunflower: Lucy (10)

"It is said that historians have found a manuscript, which is also said to be a relic from the fall of Majapahit Empire era. This manuscript is still being researched further, because, again, it is said, the manuscript tells: One day, the king was riding his white horse, while distributing 'plain rice' to his people (it is said that nowadays, it can be interpreted as 'throwing T-shirts'), then suddenly fell. The 'Hulubalangs' immediately approached 'sang prabu' and helped him up, even though he limped a little. An ambassador from a distant land who was said to be present, asked if 'his majesty' was okay. The 'Bupala', who was said to be better at speaking English than Sanskrit, answered, 'I want to test my minister'."

"When ancient ruler who is believed to have been the richest person in human history, Mansa Musa, ruled the Mali Empire, he led the Empire to its zenith from 1312 to 1337. While it's difficult to estimate his wealth with absolute certainty, estimates range up to $400 billion. It’s accepted that his gifts of gold to whomever he met during his pilgrimage to Mecca led to hyper-inflation and an Egyptian recession lasting a decade," said sunflower while paying attention to the spinning Million Dollar Cube.

"We all want money—some of us dangerously so, says Laurence Kotlikoff. He then gives two examples: King Midas begged Dionysus for the golden touch and got his wish, starving to death as even the food he touched turned to gold. Imelda Marcos, the infamous First Lady of the Philippines, had very little as she was growing up. When her husband took power and started plundering the country, shoes topped her shopping list. Twenty-one years and almost three thousand pairs of footwear later, the people revolted. The couple escaped with their lives, but not with Imelda’s shoes. Hundreds of them are still tastefully displayed at the Marikina Shoe Museum near Manila [seven hundred twenty pairs of shoes are at the Marikina Shoe Museum in Metro Manila. Of that, 253 are on display, while 467 are in storage. Imelda left over 3000 pairs of shoes upon leaving the palace]. The vast majority of us aren’t money hungry out of sheer greed. We want money for a good reason: we need it.

There are good reasons for believing that modern money means much more today to many more people throughout the world than it has ever meant before in human history, Glyn Davies concluded. Money begins with barter. The history of barter is as old, indeed in some respects very much older, than the recorded history of man himself. Cattle–a vague term variously meaning cows, buffalo, goats, sheep and camels, and usually but not always excluding horses–historically precede the use of grain as money for the simple reason that the taming of animals preceded agriculture.

To primitive man emerging from the Stone Age, any metal was precious: the distinction between base and precious metals became of significance only after his skill as a metallurgist had improved and supplies of various metals had increased sufficiently to reflect their relative abundance or scarcity. Thus copper, bronze, gold, silver and electrum were known and used before iron, while aluminium, the most common metal in the earth’s crust, became available for use only in the nineteenth century.

The world’s first coins were made of gold around 700 BC and that a number of Greek city-states established their own forms of ‘gold standard’ which concept was extended empire-wide by Alexander and later by Roman and Byzantine emperors. Paper currency came about as a result of one (and perhaps, later, two) of the Four Great Inventions: papermaking, printing, gunpowder and the compass. Ancient China led the way, although it wasn’t until the Tang dynasty during the 7th century that merchants began using paper in the form of what would these days be called promissory notes. By the 17th century, London’s goldsmith bankers were issuing receipts as payable to the bearer of the document, as opposed to the depositor (a sentiment echoed on contemporary banknotes with the sentence 'I promise to pay the bearer on demand the sum of X pounds'), while 1661 saw Sweden’s Stockholms Banco become the first central bank to attempt to issue banknotes.

Steve Forbes and Elizabeth Ames suggest that government did not invent money. Money originated in the marketplace as a solution to a problem. It arose spontaneously, like the spoon or the personal computer, in response to a need. In this case, the need was for a stable unit of value to facilitate trade. Money has three roles in an economy: as a measure of value; as an instrument of trust that permits transactions to take place between strangers; and it provides a system of communication throughout a society. In order to function in these roles, money, above all, must be stable. When it isn’t, it becomes impaired, and an economy suffers. In the worst instances, when money stops working altogether, a society can be destroyed. Money is a tool that facilitates transactions. It does not create them. And money, in and of itself, is not wealth—nor does increasing the supply of money by the whims of central bankers mean that wealth will be created. In fact, the opposite is the case.

It's the people, not government, invented money. If expanding the monetary base was the way to economic vitality, Zimbabwe would be the richest country in the world, according to Forbes and Ames. When that country first became independent in 1980, the Zimbabwe dollar was worth more than the U.S. dollar. In the early 2000s, after redistributionist reforms led to the destruction of the country’s agricultural economy, the Zimbabwe government responded to the crisis with a manic printing of money. The result was a hyperinflation second only to that of Hungary after World War II.

We need food to live. But too much food leads to unhealthy obesity. The same applies to money. We need money for commerce. But just as too much food can be bad for your health, an oversupply of money can undermine the health of an economy. The story of monetary expansion is not a story of wealth creation but rather of wealth destruction. History contains countless examples: from the eighteenth-century French debacle of the Mississippi Bubble to the wild colonial inflations preceding the American Revolution to the German hyperinflations of the early 1920s and after World War II to the 1970s U.S. stagflation. Reckless monetary expansion has rocked countries like Venezuela and Argentina. In the United States, it led to the collapse of the housing market, the 2008 financial crisis, and subsequent global stagnation.

Every profession can be said, makes magic. Biologists cure plagues. Engineers build skyscrapers. Physicists split atoms. Geologists date rocks. Astronomers discover planets. Chemists decompose matter. Judges issue a ruling in the case based on their interpretation of the law and their own personal judgment. Lawyers have different functions and privileges: an advocate, attorney, barrister, canon lawyer, civil law notary, counsel, solicitor, legal executive, or public servant. Lawyers do not know enough about economics, and Economists do not know enough about law. According to Kotlikoff, despite the challenges of the field, but the Economists make marvelous magic.

Adam Smith, our first grand wizard, with the conjuring 'invisible hand,' which transforms individual greed into collective good. David Ricardo used Dr. Strange 'four mystical numbers' to explain why, what, and when countries trade. Alfred Marshall produced the numinous 'Avatar' supply-and-demand curves that rule all markets. And our belated great sorcerer Paul Samuelson transposed ancient economic laws into 'the Scream' mathematical runes.

Smith, Ricardo, Marshall, and Samuelson are the top economic Dumbledore of all time. But every economist is trained to solve mysteries using the tricks of our trade. This is why economics is so fascinating, surprising, important, and useful, whether applied to understanding global markets, taxing our emissions, or saving our jobs. Though the common conception of economics is that it’s focused on big, world-spanning issues, economists have, in fact, spent what is now a century studying personal finance.

Politicians, what about politics? According to Brian McNair, there three characteristics of a democratic regime: first, there must be an agreed set of procedures and rules governing the conduct of elections, such rules will typically take the form of a constitution; second, those who participate in the democratic process must comprise a ‘substantial’ proportion of the people; third, the availability of choice and the ability of citizens to exercise that choice rationally. This in turn, presupposes a knowledgeable, educated citizenry. The importance of an informed, knowledgeable electorate dictates that democratic politics must be pursued in the public arena (as distinct from the secrecy characteristic of autocratic regimes). The knowledge and information on the basis of which citizens will make their political choices must circulate freely and be available to all.The political process nevertheless demands that individuals act collectively in making decisions about who will govern them. The private political opinions of the individual become the public opinion of the people as a whole, which may be reflected in voting patterns and treated as advice by existing political leaders.

Democracy rests on a promise of equality, which too often shatters against the wall of money, says Julia Cagé. Money provides us with a sense of security and stability by allowing us to meet our basic needs, build a cushion for unexpected expenses, and invest in our future. By managing our money wisely, we can enjoy a greater sense of financial security and peace of mind. Money is a necessary component of any democracy: it enables political participation and representation. However, if not effectively regulated, it can undermine the integrity of political processes and institutions and jeopardize the quality of democracy.

We tend to forget that providing for democracy comes at a price, Cagé added. But if the costs are very unevenly distributed, and if the weight of private money in the total funding is not severely restricted, then the whole system is in danger. Regulations related to the funding of political parties and election campaigns (commonly known as political finance) and lobbying are critical to promote integrity, transparency and accountability in any democracy.

What is political party and what is its function? John Kenneth White suggests that defining political parties will produce a variety of opinions, but it can be described as ‘tripartite systems of interactions’: first, party as Organization or ‘the machine’, the formal machinery of party ranging from local committees (precinct, ward, or town) up to state central committees, and the people who man and direct there. Second, party as the Mass of Supporters. For some, this identification is strong, and they consistently back candidates running under the party label. For others, the attachment is relatively weak and casual. Here, party exists in the eyes of its beholder; it is a bundle of electoral loyalties. Third, Party as a Body of Notables. Most political leaders in government and outside it are identified by a party label. Party is sometimes used to refer to that collectivity of notables who accept the party label, and party policy then becomes the prevailing policy tendencies among this collectivity.

Political parties are a pervasive phenomenon in representative democracies, says Charles Boix. Although the coordination of politicians into parties, that is, into vote-seeking and governing teams of candidates and parliamentarians, has been a universal, almost lawlike phenomenon in contemporary democracies, the ways in which politicians' have organized and voters have responded to partisan appeals have varied widely over time and across countries. On the one hand, political parties differ in their internal architecture: how hierarchical they are; the strength of their parliamentary wing vis-a-vis the party apparatus; the number, extraction, and commitment of their membership; or their cohesiveness, ranging from loose, almost ad hoc coalitions of interests to tightly disciplined organizations whose members never deviate from the official position of the party.

Marjorie Randon Hershey suggests that political parties can act as 'social choice' mechanisms. Political environments have some unique qualities that affect individuals’ choices. Democracies need to recruit leaders as well as voters. Political leadership is a public good so, problems of collective choice arise in its selection. In a democracy, citizens must have some role in choosing important government personnel. When a democracy begins to expand, nascent party organizations have a straightforward incentive to selectively stimulate citizen participation. The more voters they are able to mobilize, the greater their likelihood of electing their candidates.

As a democracy matures and the franchise expands to approach its natural limits, the challenge then becomes the need to motivate qualified voters to go to the polls. The existence of parties in the electorate, or party identification, as a means of simplifying voters’ choices and therefore making it easier for them to choose to vote. In any of several ways, then, citizens can use party as a means of drawing inferences about the candidates’ characteristics and policy stands.

There are several factors that influence political spending. According to Shari Bryan and Denise Baer, in many developing democracies, accurate information about political spending practices is unavailable to the public. Reporting requirements are often non-existent, and where they do exist, enforcement agencies lack the skills and resources to collect the information. The results of the African Political Party Finance Initiative (APFI) study about the characteristics of party financing not only in African countries, but in other regions of the world—from Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe, and Asia (22 countries). The research shows that most politicians are aware of the problems of money in politics and are prepared to address them. At the same time, the study highlighted many areas of concern, such as the role of wealthy business interests in funding campaigns in order to gain access to lucrative state contracts. It revealed the personal risk of bankruptcy that many candidates face as they attempt to raise money for elected positions, and the enticement to abandon political competition in exchange for money.

Corruption related to political party financing poses a grave threat to democratic development worldwide. Covert party funding streams, influence peddling, and leveraging state resources for party purposes all compromise the single greatest asset of democracy: the faith and support of ordinary citizens in the political process. The social and political costs of corruption are well known, and a majority of political and civic leaders recognize that many of the problems related to political corruption stem from deficiencies within political parties themselves. One of the great challenges facing political reformers is that little is known about the details of money in political parties or in campaigns. Political party financing patterns are extremely opaque, and the decisions about raising and spending money are usually controlled and managed by only a few individuals. Relatively few politicians could provide concrete details about party funding operations.

Vote-buying, or the use of money and direct benefits to influence voters is of concern to political elites around the globe. Business interests and wealthy individuals engaged in politics are stifling democratic participation, undermining the development of economies, and transforming the nature of government. Repeatedly, concerns were raised about the rising number of wealthy individuals who seek office in order to gain access to and control over lucrative contracts, and business contributors who demand paybacks from those whom they support politically. As a result, the political establishment is often seen as a circle of wealthy individuals who make policy decisions based on private interests, rather than the common good.

In many instances, political accountability is for sale to the highest bidder. Candidates, often financed by patrons or godfathers, may compromise their independence, neutrality, and platforms to serve as proxies for their benefactors. Political parties do the same by accepting funds from business interests that intentionally support campaigns as a way of ensuring lucrative contracts with the state, or possibly worse yet, for assurances that the state will turn a blind eye to their illegal business practices. In some cases, candidates are willing to forgo political competition or abandon their political parties in exchange for money.

In Indonesia, 'Money in Politics' is not as famous as 'Money Politics'. The term 'Money Politics' has been widely used to describe 'wani piro' [How much money are you willing to pay?] practices—and the response is 'piro-piro wani' [as much money as you can]—since Indonesia’s new democratic era began in the late 1990s. Although it is in common usage, the term is imprecise, and covers a wide range of phenomena.

We'll continue to discuss it on the last episode. Bi 'idhnillah."

As she moved towards the final session, the sunflower sang,

My father told me,

'Hold your head up high,

never give up and keep aiming for the sky,

and when darkness finds a way to tear you down,

take a closer look, there's hope right by your side.

Yeah, I know it's tough when nights are getting longer,

and doubts are creeping in' *)

Citations & References:

- Laurence Kotlikoff, Money Magic: An Economist's Secrets to More Money, Less Risk, and a Better Life, 2022, Little, Brown Spark

- Glyn Davies, History of Money: From Ancient Times to the Present Day, 2002, University of Wales Press

- Steve Forbes & Elizabeth Ames, Money: How the Destuction of the Dollars Threatens the Global Economy—and What We can Do about It, 2014, Itzy

- Brian McNair, An Introduction to Political Communication, 2011, Routledge

- Julia Cagé, The Price of Democracy: How Money Shapes Politics and What to Do about It, translated by Patrick Camiller, 2020, Harvard University Press

- Shari Bryan & Denise Baer (Ed.), Money in Politics: A Study of Party Financing Practices in 22 Countries, 2005, NDI

- Richard S. Katz and William Crotty (Ed.), Handbook of Party Politics, 2006, SAGE

- Carles Boix & Susan Stokes (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics, 2007, Oxford University Press

*) "You Need to Know" written by Axel Johansson, Tormod Løkling & Iselin Solheim

[Session 11]

[Session 9]

Bahasa

Stories from the Sunflower: Lucy (9)

"A new nurse on duty accompanied the doctor, treating the patient. Politely, the doctor asked the nurse, 'Nurse, did you take the patient’s temperature?'

A little awkward, the nurse answered, 'Why no, Doctor. Is it missing?'"

"If not effectively regulated, why can 'Money' undermine Democracy?" said sunflower while moving her inflorescence, looking for something. Then she said, "I'm looking for Mbok Sastro, a 'jamu-gendong' [jamu is Indonesian traditional herbal medicine, jamu-gendong is a jamu seller, usually a woman, selling the herbal medicine on foot, carrying a basket made of woven bamboo, and inside the basket, there are bottles containing herbal mixtures] who often passes by here. And lo, she is there," said she whilst pointing out a woman sitting down under a poster of 'Two Dwarf'—this kind of poster appeared everywhere to the point that the trees in the green belt were begging for mercy. 

"But wait, it's not Mbok Satro, oh I see, it's Neng Ijah, her daughter. Two young men were expecting for their jamu orders prepared by Neng Ijah. While waiting, one of the young men took out his cellphone and played 'Theme from Dying Young' by Cak Imin and Pak Mahfud duo, sorry ... I mean, Kenny G with his saxophone 'whip'. It's really great!"

"Before delving into my question, allow me to tell you about a 10-year study of 'Jamu', by an Irish-born writer, Susan-Jane Beers.

Beers writes her view—her work was published in 2001—by starting that Indonesian jamu—part of an integrated system of inner and outer health and beauty, encompassing powders, pills, ointments, lotions, massage and ancient folklore—is unknown to most Westerners. At first glance, it seems that jamu is a casualty of this modern world. Making jamu in the home has certainly declined, but in its place, the herbal medicine and cosmetics industry is expanding and is now producing some exciting ranges of safe, hygienically prepared, health and beauty treatments. The industry was slow in developing, because there was, for many years, a reluctance to share secrets. However, attitudes are changing because rapid industrialization has led, somewhat paradoxically, to an increased demand for traditional medicine.

In former times, mothers handed down the secrets of these healing recipes to their daughters. Those who were skilled at preparing jamu were consulted by their neighbours; and demand eventually resulted in small family businesses. These were the forerunners of cottage industries, which in turn have become today’s conglomerates. Now, production has moved away from the home into well-equipped modern factories, and it has become relatively easy to buy what Westerners might perceive as mysterious lotions, pills and concoctions in mainstream retail outlets.

Beers then tell us her first time of 'tasting' Jamu. 'The Pegal Linu' (‘pegal’ means stiff; ‘linu’ is rheumatic; therefore ‘pegal linu’ translates as ‘stiffness caused by rheumatism’ and is prescribed to alleviate aches and pains), Ibu Sri, the jamu maker, announced with aplomb, oblivious to her distress. Taking a deep breath, she consumed the potion, which made the worst Western cough mixture seem like nectar. The sugared water alleviated the aftertaste only marginally. By midnight, she still had not experienced the anticipated backlash. At 5 am the next morning, she awoke expecting to feel like death, but—to her astonishment—she had never felt better. This was extraordinary—she had actually acquired a new energy; in fact she had never felt more alive and jamu had been the only variation from her normal diet.

From that moment, she was hooked. She began researching the subject in earnest, in the hope that others would benefit from her experience and discover what—if anything—this ancient Indonesian health system could do for them.

Tracking down the origins of jamu is no easy task, Beers writes. Experts agree the use of plants for medicinal purposes in Indonesia dates from prehistoric times. The theory is substantiated by the impressive collection of Neolithic stone implements in Jakarta’s National Museum that were almost certainly used for daily healthcare. Tools such as mortars or rubbing stones were used to grind plants and obtain powders and plant extracts. Further proof can be found in stone reliefs depicting the human life cycle at the famous Borobudur temple dating from C. AD 800– 900. In these carvings the kalpataruh leaf (from the ‘mythological tree that never dies’) and other ingredients are being pounded to make mixtures for women’s health and beauty care. These reliefs also depict people giving body massage, a healing process recorded in many parts of the world, particularly in China, Japan and India. With the establishment of early trade routes between Asia and Asia Minor, healing techniques would have quite easily passed from East to West, and vice versa.

At the end of the first millennium, the influence of Javanese culture began to spread to the neighbouring island of Bali, whose peoples had already absorbed influences from as far away as India. The powerful Majapahit empire thrived in East Java, controlling much of the seas between India and China; links were established between Java and Bali (a channel of less than five km [three miles] separates the two islands). But the Majapahit empire wanted more, and in 1343 an army under Gajah Mada was sent by ruler Hayam Wuruk to subjugate the Balinese. His success was short-lived, and the Balinese retaliated on several occasions, trying to impose their rule on the territories at the easternmost end of Java.

Following the adoption of Islam and subsequent breakup of the Majapahit empire in the late 15th century, many Javanese fled to Bali, taking their books, culture and customs with them. There they remained isolated until 1908, when the Dutch subjugated the island. This accident of history means that Balinese healing frequently mirrors that of Java 400 years ago, and here, Javanese healing traditions have remained largely intact.

In the case of usada (book of Healing), a collection of texts dealing with healing practices, there are two manuscripts in the Surakarta Palace library that have been dated and are arguably the best references on jamu and traditional medicine in existence—namely, Serat Kawruh bab Jampi-jampi (A Treatise on All manner of cures) and Serat centhini (book of centhini). The former probably gives us the most systematic account of jamu. It comprises a total of 1,734 formulæ made from natural ingredients, together with information on their use. A further 244 entries are in the form of prayers or symbolic figures used as powerful amulets or talismans to cure specific health problems, or to protect the owners from any black magic aimed in their direction.

The 300-year-old Serat Centhini, is still considered one of the major references on jamu and has plenty of illustrative tales which not only make interesting reading but are also instructive. Prince Jayengresmi or Seh Amongraga is the main character in Serat Centhini. Kanjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Anom presented Suluk Jatiswara to be explained and studied clearly. Many experts were asked to help according to their respective knowledge, including Kanjeng Pengulu Tafsir Anom discussing about Islam. Other experts also wrote about things such as religion, mysticism, inner perfection, superiority, strength, compassion, sexology, primbon, spiritual science, astrology, pranatamangsa [a calendar system or calendar associated with agricultural activities, especially for farming or fishing purposes], offerings, karma, pilgrimages, ancient relics, literary cases, fairy tales, historical stories, keris, horses, birds, housing, music and songs, dances, plants, agriculture, medicines and many others, including funny things and jokes. Everything is explained clearly, in-depth and pleasantly, including the mountains, caves, coast as reported from the regents and envoys, as well as explaining sacred and haunted places. Prince Adipati Anom also took time to work on and research all the contents of Serat Centhini.

Serat centhini was copied and revised so often no one knows which edition is the original. Some versions are dated 1742 in the Javanese calendar, which equates with 1814 in a Western calendar, but experts say much of the material dates from centuries earlier. Yet, despite its basic approach, Serat centhini gives one of the best accounts of medical treatment in ancient Java.

So, what exactly is jamu? An easy reply to this question is jamu is Indonesian herbal medicine. But Jamu is not just jamu, the answer is not that simple, particularly as it is widely believed that jamu is nothing more than a powerful aphrodisiac. Mention jamu in Asia and reactions vary from total dismissal and distrust, to amusement, knowing smiles or perhaps a lengthy discourse on its benefits. Even in Indonesia, people cannot agree on a definition. Everyone knows what jamu is, but each person draws the line in a different place between jamu, medicine and cosmetics. Each jamu may be applied in more than one way; its use depends on the complaint or need. It can be a herbal drink taken to prevent sickness, the answer to chronic illness or an infusion, distillation, brew or paste to treat lifeless hair.

Jamu has also been described as homeopathic medicine. Certainly, there are similarities: both are holistic and plant-based. But the similarity ends there; homeopathy’s basic principle of diluting the remedy with upwards of 99 parts alcohol hardly fits with jamu-making techniques or Islamic laws on alcohol. Jamu covers a dazzling array of drinks, pills, capsules and powders said to cure nearly every disease known to man.

Jamu can be used on its own or in conjunction with other healing techniques such as massage. Its advantage is that, if correctly administered, it has no side effects and, according to most Javanese, it is highly effective. Despite the diverse range of opinions on this sensitive topic, there is one common perception—the most popular types of jamu enhance and improve sexual performance.

Jamu is a holistic therapy. The concept of harmony—balance between a person and their environment, or the balance between the hot and cold elements in the body—means that both illness and medicines are divided into hot and cold categories. The herbalist’s skill lies in contrasting a hot illness with the appropriate cold medicine and vice versa; hot medicine cures a cold illness and cold medicine is recommended for a hot illness. Jamu prescriptions always follow this rule, which is why there is a catalogue of antonyms: hot and cold; sweet and sour; bitter and sugary; strong and weak. Similarly, if a formula is developed to treat a specific problem in one organ of the body, the effect on the rest of the system must always be taken into consideration. The numerous leaves, roots or barks in a single jamu comprise three categories: the main ingredients, the supporting ingredients and those that are added simply to improve the taste of the jamu. Once mixed and administered, all the ingredients interact together to work on the symptoms.

Jamu has four basic functions. It treats particular illnesses (problems as varied as kidney stones, cervical cancer or diarrhoea); it maintains continuing good health (through the promotion of blood circulation and increased metabolism); it relieves aches and pains (by reducing inflammation or by aiding digestive problems); and it also addresses particular malfunctions in the body (such as lack of fertility or unpleasant body odour). Sometimes it can be multi-functional: for example, a jamu may be a general tonic, but it also acts as an antiseptic to prevent stomach infections.

Jamu is not an overnight remedy. Results can only be achieved with regular use over a period of time. And because the ‘cure’ is gradual, patients do not usually experience any side effects. Some jamu are made from poisonous herbs and if they are not made up and administered correctly, they can be potentially toxic. The herbalist’s art lies in knowing how to neutralize these poisonous elements to produce a powerful and curative medicine. Sometimes, jamu will be taken alongside a course of traditional massage to speed up the healing process.

Jamu has four basic functions. It treats particular illnesses (problems as varied as kidney stones, cervical cancer or diarrhoea); it maintains continuing good health (through the promotion of blood circulation and increased metabolism); it relieves aches and pains (by reducing inflammation or by aiding digestive problems); and it also addresses particular malfunctions in the body (such as lack of fertility or unpleasant body odour). Sometimes it can be multi-functional: for example, a jamu may be a general tonic, but it also acts as an antiseptic to prevent stomach infections.

Jamu is not an overnight remedy. Results can only be achieved with regular use over a period of time. And because the ‘cure’ is gradual, patients do not usually experience any side effects. Some jamu are made from poisonous herbs and if they are not made up and administered correctly, they can be potentially toxic. The herbalist’s art lies in knowing how to neutralize these poisonous elements to produce a powerful and curative medicine. Sometimes, jamu will be taken alongside a course of traditional massage to speed up the healing process.

Making and selling jamu was very much a one-man (or, more usually, a one-woman) show until the beginning of the 20th century. A few jamu makers, aware of the increasing demand for jamu and perhaps aware of potential profits, began making and selling in larger quantities. As word spread of their jamu’s quality and effectiveness, they were inundated with orders and Indonesia’s herbal medicine sprouted a cottage industry.

Indonesia is rich in flora, it consists of many unique varieties of plants. Blessed with a tropical climate and roughly thaousands islands, Indonesia is the nation with the second highest biodiversity in the world. Jamu—recognized by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as part of the Global Intangible Cultural Heritages from Indonesia—is one of the herbal medicines known in Indonesia. Cincai [grass jelly] or green camcau shrub in gel form is very well known to the Indonesian. Grass jelly is often served as a mixture in mixed ice or even served as grass jelly ice. Rosella tea is a beverage product resulting from the fermentation of steeping Rosella flower petals, which can be used as a traditional medicine to lower cholesterol levels in the blood. Purple sweet potatoes contain anthocyanins and a number of resistant starches that are beneficial for health. And many more can be used as alternative and complementary medicine.

The two young men has left after drinking their herbal medicine order. Neng Ijah slowly carries back her fully laden basket of jamu. I'm touched of this young girl's heavy baggage. However, by the mercy of the Rabb of mankind, and with the effort to drink Beras Kencur and Kunir Asem every day and occasionally one of the bitter recipes, she looks very healthy. Ijah starts to walk and kindly offers her herbal medicine, 'Jamuu... Jamuuu... Jamune Maas!"

On next episode, 'Money in Politics' will be our discussion, okay? Bi 'idhnillah."

Then, sunflower went on with Rihanna 'Umbrella',

Now that it's raining more than ever

Know that we'll still have each other

You can stand under my umbrella

You can stand under my umbrella *)

Citations & References:
- Susan-Jane Beers, Jamu: The Ancient Indonesian Art of Herbal Healing, 2001, Tuttle Publishing
- Soewito Santoso & Kestity Pringgoharjono, Stories from the Serat Centhini: Understanding the Javanese Journey of Life, 2013, Marshall Cavendish International
*) "Umbrella" written by Christopher A. Stewart, Shawn C. Carter, Terius Youngdell Nash & Thaddis Laphonia Harrell
[Session 10]
[Sessiom 8]

Bahasa

Stories from the Sunflower: Lucy (8)

"A man once came into a doctor. He had a cucumber up his nose, a carrot in his left ear, and a banana in his right ear. 'What’s the matter with me doc, do I have a chronic pain?' he asked the pretty doctor sadly.

'Naaa, you're gonna be okay,' the doctor replied, 'you just don't eat properly.'"

"Why does almost everyone like comedy, and so do comics and comedians?" said Sunflower while looking at 'Laskar Rakyat Mengatur Siasat' [People's Army Organized Strategies], a work created by the finger strokes of an expressionist artist, Affandi. "First, more or less, comedy invites us to think lightly by laughing, laughing at the words and behavior of comedians, or laughing at ourselves through the humor expressed by comics, while they alone, just smiling or even look serious.

People cry at movies sometimes, but not nearly as frequently as the producers and directors would want. And if the movie goes overboard, then suddenly it becomes cheesy and saccharine. Jokes in movies often fall flat, and even horror movies tend to rely on jump scares (a sudden noise or flash) rather than actual terror. But comedians get on stage and make people laugh and guffaw for an hour straight, which is arguably one of the strongest emotions of all.

Second, comedy art can live in countries, whether they were an ancient monarchic era, autocracy, or democracy, but in the first two, only in limited circles, while the latter, comedy, along with any other arts such as theater, music, paintings, poetry, culinary, or even pop culture, can be a stimulant, for they have their own 'kingdom', so they can be independent agents for uplifting every citizen as part of a democratic society.

We all need to laugh, laughter is universal, and many different events can bring it about. Beyond laughter and jesting, for both performers and audiences in the theatre, comedy exists as a narrative form or structure. Basically, there were patterns, steps, and even rules that even the most famous of comedians tended to follow—they had simply mastered them and could play with every type of variation instinctively. Comic poets were too powerful not to attract the attentions of political leaders: the consequential laughter induced by on-stage caricature satire was surely hard to ignore in a society where personal honour was central. And comic poets were too engaged in the literary and intellectual currents which surrounded and informed the circles of politicians not to be engaged in politics. Aristophanes and Shakespeare managed to do it. The only fully intact textual evidence from fifth century and (very) early fourth-century comedy are the eleven completely preserved comedies by Aristophanes, who was born, in all likelihood, shortly after 450 bce and died after 388 bce. Shakespeare’s major comedies were written at a peculiarly fertile time in English cultural history: the 1590s. The professional public theatre was flourishing; London was a rich melting-pot of people of all classes; printed books were becoming cheap and popular; artistic and philosophical discussions were fashionable, but so were gossip, travellers’ tales, and stories of the teeming underlife of the city.

Comedy is truth and pain, says John Vorhaus. When a clown catches a pie in the face, it’s truth and pain; and that’s what makes a joke jump. You feel for the poor clown all covered with custard, and you also realize that it could have been you.

Comedy can offer us reassurance about where we stand. A shared joke is a shared world. Yet comic instincts also invite us to think up new worlds and have often spoken most eloquently to those who are keen to try things out. Comic imaginations have often circled around the idea of origins, but the beginning of comedy itself is tricky to pin down to a specific location. The etymological roots of the word hint at the obscure origins of the form. Some have argued for comedy’s home in kome (‘country village’), but the more likely derivation is from komos, a complex word best translated by Kenneth Dover: ‘a noisy, happy, drunken procession’. Then add the suffix ody (‘song’), and a picture emerges of a boozed-up bunch making a song and dance about things. A neat Aristotelian definition of comedy—the imitation of an action which is funny. But Comedy is not always a laughing matter. The world is a comedy to those that think, and tragedy to those that feel, says Horace Walpole. Comedy is life viewed from a distance; tragedy, life in close-up, says Charlie Chaplin; Tragedy is when I cut my little finger. Comedy is when you fall into an open sewer and die, says Mel Brooks. All revel in the sense of comedy as a detached perspective, yet from way back it was felt that comedy and tragedy were not quite true opposites. Plato’s Symposium closes with Socrates asking two exemplars of the rival modes (Aristophanes and Agathon) to concede that ‘the genius of comedy was the same as that of tragedy, and that the true artist in tragedy was an artist in comedy also. To this they were constrained to assent, being drowsy, and not quite following the argument.’

Apart from comedy, one of the musical arts that presents tragedy, humor or a combination of both is Indonesian Dangdut. Named onomatopoeically for its characteristic drum sounds 'dang' and 'dut,' the music is heard in streets and homes, public parks and narrow alleyways, stores and restaurants, and all forms of public transportation. At parties, wedding receptions, bars, and karaoke clubs, Indonesians sing. They dance. Here, there and everywhere.

Dangdut was born in Indonesia, as a genre of traditional popular music resulting from a combination of music in Indian films with Malay and rock'n roll music from the West. This combination of musical styles was first used in Jakarta around the end of the 1960s. As a form of popular culture in the early 1970s, dangdut was commercialized in the 1980s, political campaign rally, sometimes eroticized dance spectacle, and everyday communal party—these are sites where dangdut frames meanings about class relations and national belonging. With roots in popular music of urban post-colonial Indonesia, dangdut is a privileged site for narrating stories about the modern nation-state of Indonesia. Indeed, dangdut has always been synonymous with dance. Unlike other kinds of popular music, dangdut 'invites' people to dance. Dangdut’s appeal lies in the fact that one does not need any special training to participate. 'Goyang Mang!' ('Shake it, Bro!') was a common response when Indonesians talk about dangdut. Goyang simply means 'to move,' but in dangdut it refers to the swaying movement of the hips, waist, and buttocks. Goyang is not only the movement of the body, but it is a 'natural' and 'unconscious' reaction to dangdut’s distinctive drum rhythms.

Just like comedy and other types of art, Dangdut has its own 'kingdom'. In the mid- to late 1970s, the genre’s popularity grew, as did the number of singers and spin-off styles.

Many of the lyrics in dangdut hit songs of the 1980s expressed sentiments of tragedy (derita; sengsara; merana). In these songs, tragedy came in many forms: failed relationships, economic hardship, social injustice, and cruel social conditions of everyday modern life. In dangdut, lyrics are not important, but but songs could be interpreted, is matter. Sometimes it combines tragedy and humor, for example 'Pak Hakim dan Pak Jaksa, kapan saya akan di sidang' [Mr Judge and Mr Prosecutor, when will I be in court]; 'Ku jarang dibelai' [I am rarely stroked], shortened by Jablai, Lebih baik sakit hati daripada sakit gigi [It is better to have a heartache than a toothache], and many more which have become iconic expressions to all levels of Indonesian society. Dangdut songs articulated people’s acknowledgment of powerlessness, they represent real-life situations, but the responses are idealized and open to interpretation.

Life in 1980s modern Indonesia was full of contradictions. The state ideology of pancasila, which emphasized democracy and social justice, was being redefined as loyalty to the president, above all others. It's like the surface of a lake is calm, in its depths, there is a strong current. Life was full of fear, to the point that if you wanted to say the name of a civil official or high-ranking army, required using initials, which is still carried over to this day. The familiar greeting of Indonesia's founding parents, 'Bung' or 'Bang' was only used by the opposition, political campaign or patriotic songs, while the rest, 'according to Bapak President's instructions'.

Under these circumstances, it is understandable that people would want to 'gak mau ambil pusing' [avoid hassles] or 'look the other way'. Rather than 'mikirin utang numpuk segudang, lebih baik kita senang-senang' [thinking about debts piling up, it’s better to just have a good time]. At least a night of pleasure would allow people to 'buang masalah jauh-jauh' [throw problems far away]. And yet, the mechanism of pleasure tempering people’s pain does not adequately explain the types of meanings that emerged in the songs of this era. Dangdut opened up interpretive possibilities rather than neatly closing them off. Dangdut did not provide answers to problems. Rather, it pushed the limits of what was allowable in order to expose an excess of possibilities.

Conditions give rise to movement, and dangdut displays 'goyangan'. Dangdut Nation brings the 'happiness' of dangdut. Dangdut had quietly risen in social status due to its current popularity with 'bureaucrats, from government ministers up to the vice governor—and quite likely many others. As a national election approached in 1992, top government and military officials pronounced dangdut as Indonesia’s national music.

The notion that dangdut represented all Indonesians, together with its massive popularity, was a common story told something like this: sung in lyrics that nearly all Indonesians could understand, expressing feelings that everyone could relate to, and with a beat that everyone could dance to, it was natural that dangdut had become iconic with the nation. As a result, dangdut’s representation and meaning changed from the music of ordinary people who occupy the bottom of the social and political system, to a genre celebrated as national music in the 1990s. Dangdut, which appealed to the majority of Indonesians, was a privileged field for creating identifications with the ideals and values of a national culture.

Yet, for the large base of dangdut fans, the value and meaning of dangdut had not changed. Fans already knew very well that dangdut was their music. Its lyrics were open to multiple interpretations, its costumes were garish and flashy, its performance style was campy and eroticized, and its music was stylistically diverse.

But, as time went by, images and stories related to dangdut became even further removed from most people's everyday lives. Dangdut had to dispel its image as backward (kampungan): 'It cannot be considered ‘kampungan’ anymore because it has already gone international'. No longer content to stay where it was, dangdut was on the move. Pictures and stories about the glamorous lives of dangdut celebrities flooded the tabloid market. Stars were shown performing in sparkling television studios or on spectacular concert stages; dressed in jeans and sportswear at home enjoying their vast leisure time with family; or driving expensive cars, dressed in brand-name clothes, and sitting in cafes with fellow celebrities. Sponsorship flowed in from cigarette and drug companies (for example, aspirin).

What kinds of images, values, and meanings about the nation were made available to people in dangdut during this period? The Department of Information, through its national television station TVRI, exerted strict controls over what could be shown on television. Songs were banned for allegedly creating a bad image of Indonesia, including 'Gadis atau Janda?' (Are You a Virgin or Not?), and 'Jagung Bakar', which were both banned from being shown on TVRI in early 1992. Censorship of dangdut songs was based on lyrics and visual images that were considered immoral or critical of the Suharto regime. However, the guidelines for controlling content were not clearly stated. In those days, banning, in the present, hostage taking.

Nonetheles, not all dangdut images are really that bad, recent dangdut singers have brought themes of humor and wit.

In the New Order era, Culture was used for political purposes to promote the idea of 'Bhinneka Tunggal Ika,' or Unity expressed in Diversity.' Symbolic representations of atomized cultures were constructed and displayed on national television, in national political discourse, and at national festivals. Yet, in this multicultural representation of difference, everyone ended up looking pretty much the same. Social inequalities based on ethnic, racial, class, and gender differences were edged aside for the sake of national homogeneity. History repeats itself, recently, imbeciles have emerged, proposing the idea of eliminating differences for the sake of uniformity.

After the fall of Pak Harto, trends in dangdut in 2006, 'ethnic dangdut' with an Indonesian ethnic nuance, arosed. Songs that used scales, melodies, rhythms, and instruments derived from music associated with one of the many ethnic groups in Indonesia. Ethnic dangdut saturated local music scenes in many parts of the country. Sung in regional languages and marketed to specific ethnic communities, dangdut spin-offs developed in, among others, West Sumatra (Minang saluang dangdut), West Java (Sundanese pong-dut), Cirebon (Cirebonese tarling), East Java (Javanese koplo), and Banjarmasin (Banjarese dangdut Banjar). In 2007, 'regional language dangdut' (dangdut berbahasa daerah) even obtained its own award category at the annual Indonesian Music Awards (Anugerah Musik Indonesia, AMI). Dangdut, originally associated with Melayu and India in the 1970s, and then resignifi ed as national in the 1980s and 1990s, had evolved into something 'ethnic' and 'regional' in the 2000s.

Dangdut gave rise to many new habits, starting from 'Mendadak Dangdut', 'Goyang Dombret,' 'Jatuh Bangun', 'Dangdut Heboh', 'Dangdut Sexy', to 'Jablai'. These examples are important for the history of dangdut. Perspective that dangdut was probably rooted in the elements from India and the West, it's perfectly okay, but more importantly, its forms, practices, and meanings were created by Indonesians.

Apparently, I've talked too much about dangdut that I began to forget about our comedy topic. Anyway, the key explanation of the jokes is always the center edge relationships of the comedians and the butts of their comedy."

As before, in the break to the next episode, the sunflower brought Barbra Streisand's song,

Memories may be beautiful

and yet what's too painful to remember

We simply choose to forget

So, it's the laughter we will remember

Whenever we remember

The way we were *)

Citations & References:

- Matthew Bevis, Comedy: A Very Short Introduction, 2013, Oxford University Press

- Keith Sidwell, Aristhopanes the Democrat: The Politics of Satirical Comedy during the Peloponnesian War, 2009, Cambridge University Press

- Christie Davies, Jokes and their Relation to Society, 1998, Mouton de Gruyter

- Andrew N. Weintraub, Dangdut Stories: A Social and Musical History of Indonesia’s Most Popular Music, 2010, Oxford University Press

- Penny Gay, The Cambridge Introduction to Shakespeare’s Comedies, 2008, Cambridge University Press

*) "The Way We Were" written by Alan Bergman, Marilyn Bergman, Marvin Hamlisch

[Session 9]

[Session 7]

Bahasa

Stories from the Sunflower: Lucy (7)

"An eMagazine photographer was assigned to get photos of severe deforestation in Borneo.

Fog at the scene was too thick to get any good shots, so he called his office to request a plane. 'I’ll have it waiting for you at the airport!' his editor assured.

As soon as he arrived at the airport, sure enough, there was a plane near the runway. He jumped in with his equipment and yelled, 'Let’s go!'

The pilot took off, and soon they were in the air. 'Fly over the north side of the fog,' said the photographer, 'and make three lowlevel passes.'

'Why?' asked the pilot.

'Because I’m going to take pictures!' the photographer said with great exasperation.

After a long pause, the pilot said, 'You mean you’re not the instructor?'"

"Why do Indonesians need to straighten up 'Sang Merah Putih', once more?" said sunflower while looking at Basoeki Abdullah's masterpiece, a large painting entitled 'The Struggle of Life'. This painting of the world-renowned painter, depicts a backdrop of fierce fire where bulls, tigers, lions and other animals, running in no direction. Is it a forest fire? Or is it an outrage? Or is it possible that the current political situation in Indonesia is getting hotter? Many interpretations could be translated from this painting.

Then she moved to another painting of the maestro, 'Dalam Sinar Bulan' [In the Light of Moon], 'Panen' [Harvest], 'Nyi Roro Kidul' [a supernatural being in Indonesian folklore], 'Ratu Kidul' [the Queen of Southern Sea, a goddes who rules 'Samudera Kidul' in Sundanese and Javanese mythology] and 'Tiga Dara' [Three Virgins].

She then said, "Looking deep inside of these women paintings, showing an 'Indonesian Women' feature, reminancing us of the 'White Jasmine', Ibu Fatmawati. You know that it was 'Bu Fat', who sew 'Sang Saka Merah Putih' in in a modest booth, with a modest, hand-operated sewing machine, intended not just for one group, but for all Indonesians. Indeed, 'modesty' was being a reference point for Indonesians. The same flag was flown every year until 1968.

The flag’s meaning comes from the emotion it inspires. 'Sang Dwiwarna'—another name for Sang Saka Merah Putih, now stored in Merdeka Palace and continued by 'Sang Merah Putih', speaks in a way that Indoensian simply cannot share; but we can understand this, because many of us will have similar feelings about our own symbols of nationhood and belonging. You may have overtly positive, or indeed negative, opinions as to what you think your flag stands for, but the fact remains: that simple piece of cloth is the embodiment of the nation. A country’s history, geography, people and values—all are symbolized in the cloth, its shape and the colours in which it is printed. It is invested with meaning, even if the meaning is different for different people. Each of the world’s flags is simultaneously unique and similar. They all say something— sometimes perhaps too much, says Tim Marshall.

All people use symbols. We talk, uttering sounds to represent things or actions or emotions or ideas. If we write, we use lines and curves and dots to stand for sounds. We dress in certain ways and not in others. The clothes we wear are symbols, showing that we are male or female, priest or soldier, nurse or nun. The history of any kind of symbol can usually reveal something interesting and important about people who have used it. Certainly, this is true of those colorful emblems of nationhood called flags. George Orwell’s aphorism expresses football is ‘war minus the shooting’ that the mix of football, politics and a flag will capture a stirring mix of powerful emotions: sadness, courage, heroism, defiance, collective perseverance and endeavour.

Where did these national symbols, to which we are so attached, come from? The story of flags begins in prehistoric times, long before cloth had even been invented. In those days, men were hunters, and they felt very close to the whole animal world. They drew pictures of animals and carved them in wood or stone. Perhaps some people thought that they got magic help from one particular creature. They may even have believed that a distant ancestor of theirs was a bear, a coyote or an eagle. At any rate, groups of people who were relatives (they are called clans) often adopted the name of an animal or bird or fish, and it then became a clan symbol. The word for this clan symbol, in the language of one American Indian tribe, was totem. Now all such symbols are called totems.

Carvings of totems were sometimes placed over doors or on poles in front of houses. Warriors carried their totems into battle. The animal or bird was often painted on their shields, or its image might be carried on a long stick called a standard. This custom proved useful. When soldiers were scattered during a fight, they could rejoin their fellows by looking for the standard that belonged to their leader.

Flags are a relatively recent phenomenon in mankind’s history. The history of flags stretches back 5,000 years. Their uses are as different as their designs, shapes, sizes, and colors. Standards and symbols painted on cloth predate flags and were used by the ancient Egyptians, the Assyrians and the Romans, but it was the invention of silk by the Chinese that allowed flags as we know them today to flourish and spread. Traditional cloth was too heavy to be held aloft, unfurled and fluttering in the wind, especially if painted; silk was much lighter and meant that banners could, for example, accompany armies onto battlefields.

Soon as man passes from the lowest stage of barbarism the necessity for some special sign, distinguishing man from man, tribe from tribe, nation from nation, makes itself felt; and this prime necessity once met, around the symbol chosen spirit-stirring memories quickly gather that endear it, and make it the emblem of the power and dignity of those by whom it is borne, appeal with irresistible force to the patriotism of those born beneath their folds, and speak to them of the glories and greatness of the historic past, the duties of the present, and the hopes of the future—inspiring those who gaze upon their proud blazonry with the determination to live, and if need be to die, for the dear home-land of which these are the symbol.

In Egypt, more than five thousand years ago, a falcon was the totem of the king, who was known as the pharaoh. People believed, in fact, that the pharaoh actually was a falcon hatched from an egg, and for a very long time this bird remained the symbol of Egyptian rulers. When soldiers of the first pharaoh marched, they carried standards with images of falcons on top. Later pharaohs, instead of putting the whole bird on the standard, sometimes displayed only a few of its feathers.

Whether or not this custom began in Egypt, totems appeared on battlefields in many places. Soldiers of ancient Assyria rallied around a disc that was held aloft. Painted on it was the figure of a bull, or two bulls tied together by their tails. Egypt marched to war beneath the shadow of the various sacred animals that typified their deities, or the fan-like arrangement of feathers that symbolised the majesty of Pharaoh, while the Assyrian standards, to be readily seen represented on the slabs from the palaces of Khorsabad and Kyonjik, circular disks of metal containing various distinctive devices.

Both these and the Egyptian standards often have in addition a small flag-like streamer attached to the staff immediately below the device. The Greeks in like manner employed the Owl of Athene, and such-like religious and patriotic symbols of the protection of the deities. Homer makes Agamemnon use a piece of purple cloth as a rallying point for his followers. The sculptures of Persepolis show us that the Persians adopted the figure of the Sun, the eagle, and the like.

A different kind of symbol is said to have appeared in 80 B.C. when the Persians revolted against a particularly despotic ruler. The leader of the rebels was a blacksmith, and, according to legend, his work-apron was raised as a standard above the fighting.

In ancient times, the fashion of dressing up a totem with a streamer appeared in other lands besides Egypt. Some armies began to use streamers alone on standards, and this idea seems to have spread eastward, perhaps through India, until it reached China, where the first real flags were flown. About 1100 B.C., a Chinese royal family had a flag made of white cloth attached to a pole. Much later, Chinese pictures showed cavalrymen carrying rectangular flags with recognizable patterns on them. Some were attached at the top to a crossbar hung from a pole in the manner of the Roman banners; others were fastened at the side, as flags are today. A triangular shape, also fastened at the side, became the favorite in India, and a flag made of two triangles still flies in Nepal, a country on the Indian border.

The new fabric and custom spread along the Silk Route. The Arabs were the first to adopt it and the Europeans followed suit, having come into contact with them during the Crusades. It was likely these military campaigns, and the large Western armies involved, that confirmed the use of symbols of heraldry and armorial markings to help identify the participants. These heraldic bearings came to be linked with rank and lineage, particularly for royal dynasties, and this is one of the reasons why flags evolved from being associated with battlefield standards and maritime signals to becoming symbols of the nation state.

Flags are nowadays ordinarily made of bunting, a woollen fabric which, from the nature of its texture and its great toughness and durability, is particularly fitted to stand wear and tear. Flags are only printed when of small size, and when a sufficient number will be required to justify the expense of cutting the blocks. Silk is also used, but only for special purposes.

Every nation is now represented by a flag. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe told the designer of the Venezuelan flag, Francisco de Miranda, ‘A country starts out from a name and a flag, and it then becomes them, just as a man fulfils his destiny.’ What does it mean to try to encapsulate a nation in a flag? It means trying to unite a population behind a homogeneous set of ideals, aims, history and beliefs–an almost impossible task. But when passions are aroused, when the banner of an enemy is flying high, that’s when people flock to their own symbol. Flags have much to do with our traditional tribal tendencies and notions of identity – the idea of ‘us versus them’. Much of the symbolism in flag design is based on that concept of conflict and opposition – as seen in the common theme of red for the blood of the people, for example. But in a modern world striving to reduce conflict and promote a greater sense of unity, peace and equality, where population movements have blurred those lines between ‘us and them’, what role do flags now play? What is clear is that these symbols can still wield a great deal of power, communicating ideas quickly and drawing strongly on emotions. There are now more nation states than ever before, but non-state actors also use flags as a kind of visual soundbite to convey concepts ranging from the banality of cheap commercial goods to the depravity of violence. This is something we’ve continually witnessed in recent history.

Flags are powerful symbols, and there are plenty of other organizations that have used them to great effect–they may embody messages of fear, peace or solidarity, for example, becoming internationally recognizable in the shifting landscapes of identity and meaning.

We appear to be in the midst of a resurgence of identity politics at the local, regional, national, ethnic and religious levels. Power shifts, old certainties fall away and at such times people reach for familiar symbols as ideological anchors in a turbulent, changing world. The reality of a nation does not necessarily live up to the ideals embodied in its flag; nevertheless the flag has the power to evoke and embody sentiments, so strong that sometimes people will even follow their coloured cloth into gunfire and die for what it symbolizes.

Throughout the ages men have been stirred to acts of patriotism and bravery by following their family's or their country's flag into battle. Today flags are still used in wars. But they are also used for the celebration of great events, such as political events, national holidays, coronations, and parades. On sadder occasions flags are flown at half-mast to honor the dead and draped over the coffins of national heroes.

Political parties within countries have their own flags. Sometimes these have been used as the basis of the design of a new national flag when a country has become independent. Clubs, companies, and organizations of people with similar interests have their own flags, too. Many are recognized throughout the world. The five circles of the Olympic flag represent the linking of the five continents in peaceful competition. Peace is also the message of the olive branches cradling the world in the flag of the United Nations.

Political changes are responsible for many variations in flags. The simple red and white flag of Indonesia in the past, mentioned in Pararaton, that in the thirteenth century, was raised by the King of Kediri, Jayakatwang, in a war against Singasari kingdom, ruled by Kertanegara. In the book Negarakertagama, during Majapahit Empire, which flourished from the 13th to the 16th century in eastern Java, the red and white flag was used as a majestic symbol.

Sisingamangaraja IX used red and white as a war flag, with white twin swords with bright red in the middle and white as the background. The Padri fighters in Aceh used red and white color. The sun, stars, crescent moon and verses of the Quran used as background. Woromporang was the red and white flag of the Bone kingdom as a symbol of the power and greatness. Prince Diponegoro wore a red and white flag in the struggle against the Dutch. All of this, incorporated traditional colour symbolism: red for courage and white for honesty.

'Merah Putih' theme became even more meaningful when the Second Youth Congress in October 1928 agreed to accept two instruments of independence. First, Indonesia Raya as the Indonesian national anthem. Second, Sang Saka Merah Putih as Indonesia's national flag. Like a baby will be born from its mother's womb, it's just a matter of time. Indonesia's flag was officially adopted on August 17, 1945, three days after the conclusion of World War II. It remained the national flag when Indonesia won recognition of its independence from the Netherlands in 1949. The baby was born. It was born from a red clot of blood with pure fitra as white as soft, fluffy cotton.

But as a son of man, Sunnatullah had been written, that he had to go through the ups and downs of life so that he grew stronger. In sailing the oceans of life in this world, sometimes he should fight the pirates. Pirates are as old as seafaring and exist the world over, but the association with the skull and crossbones flag seems to originate in the twelfth century. Why they used the image is beyond morbid. It stems from the legend of the ‘Skull of Sidon’, as told by one Walter Map in the twelfth century concerning some troubling events in the mid 1100s, 'A great lady of Maraclea was loved by a Templar, a Lord of Sidon; but she died in her youth, and on the night of her burial this wicked lover crept to the grave, dug up her body and violated it. Then a voice from the void bade him return in nine months’ time for he would find a son. He obeyed the injunction and at the appointed time he opened the grave again and found a head on the leg bones of the skeleton (skull and crossbones).'

The Knights Templar rather fancied themselves as being on God’s side, as opposed to being pirates, but their behaviour at sea was frequently piratical. These incredibly rich knights were not above stopping lesser vessels and relieving them of any valuables, and their emblem may well have been the inspiration for later ‘buccaneers’—or to say it another way, ‘thieves’.

In 1998, this son of man managed to repel the pirates who had taken control of his ship, lowered the skull flag and raised 'Sang Merah Putih' again. This event was called '98 Reform' with the theme of democracy and eradicating Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism. As it progressed, it turned out that there were stowaways on board the ship. These stowaways began to loot the treasures stored on the ship's deck. This time, they did not collaborate with the Knights Templar, but with pirates from China, whom they adored all the time untill they had forgotten their own flag. 'Sang Merah Putih' came down to half mast, under the shadow of skull and crossbones flag.

We wave flags, we burn them, they fly outside parliaments and palaces, homes and showrooms. They represent the politics of high power and the power of the mob. Many have hidden histories that inform the present. Will the son of man be able to raise 'Sang Merah Putih' back to the top of its pole, or will he be helpless against the pirates, so that 'Sang Bendera' will sag to the lowest level and fall off its pole? We'll see for the playing date."

Before moving on to the next episode, the sunflower hummed,

Putiknya persona

[Her gynoecium was so characterized]

Rama-rama 'neka warna

[Big Butterfly with multicolor]

'Kan kupersembahkan

[I'd like to dedicate]

Bagi Pandu Indonesia *)

[To the Indonesian forerunner]

Citations & References:

- Tim Marshall, Worth Dying for the Power and Politics of Flags, 2016, Elliott and Thompson Limited

- F. Edward Hulme, The Flags of the World: Their History, Blazonry, and Associations, 2021, Good Press

- David Ross, Flags, 1986, Willowisp Press

- Harold Crouch, Political Reform in Indonesia after Soeharto, 2020, ISEAS

*) "Melati Suci" written by Guruh Sukarno Putra

[Session 8]

[Session 6]

Bahasa

Stories from the Sunflower: Lucy (6)

"From a passenger ship, everyone can see a messy hair and long bearded man, on a small island who is shouting and desperately waving his hands.

'Who is it?' a passenger asks the captain.

'I have no idea,' says the captain, 'this is the fifth time we have passed here, and this time, he is easily provoked by emotions.'"

"In candidate debates in Indonesia, why does the General Election Commission [Indonesians call it as KPU] set a limit on the duration of debates?" said sunflower while noticing a winged hourglass as a literal depiction of the Latin phrase 'tempus fugit'—time flies. "The time limit of the debate, including speech limits for individual candidate, limiting on the opportunities to speak, or limiting on the total length of debate on a question. As you already know, in a public forum debate, individuals give short (2-4 minute) speeches that are interspersed with 1-3 minute 'Crossfire' sections, questions and answers between opposed debaters. The winner is determined by a judge who also serves as a referee (timing sections, penalizing incivility, etc).

Debates are an effective way to inform and involve voters in the political process. The two most important resources to use, while planning a debate, are communication and organization. Moderators are chosen based on their experience and nonpartisanship. They should also have a reasonable level of general knowledge about the issues under discussion. Please keep in mind that the moderator sets the tone of the debate. A more effective moderator will produce an interesting and informative debate. Above all, moderators should be professional and fair. Length of debate shall be between 60 and 120 minutes, depending on the number of candidates in the debate. Ensure that the debate does not exceed the allotted two-hour time limit and that no breaks should take place during the debates. In the competitive arena, time matters. In presidential debates, the candidates are given little time to make a lasting impression. So, the emphasis in the debate, apart from the time limit, is also the hidden 'value' of debate.

Debate is one of the oldest activities of civilization. Calm, orderly debate, in which speakers argue for acceptance of various answers to a given question, is an obvious feature of modern parliaments and congresses. But it also had its place even in the deliberations of ancient kings, who maintained councils of nobles to give them advice. When the nobles disagreed, they were allowed to debate their proposals before the king, who acted as the final judge in choosing one plan of action.

In modern democratic societies, the right to debate is a priceless asset. It enables any citizen to propose a better plan of action than the one that the ruling power sets forth. If the speaker can convince enough citizens that the new idea is a better one, then the speaker can change the policy of the city, county, state, or even nation.

You may not be particularly conscious of the fact that debate occurs in every walk of life, not only in congresses or in academic environment. Actually, every situation in which you are asked to compare alternatives is one that forces you to debate the merits of those alternatives. Sometimes you will do the debating within yourself, as when you must decide whether to attend college. Sometimes the debating is done in your presence by others, with you as the judge, as in the case of rival sales presentations, each of which asks you to buy their particular product. Often we fail to recognize the debate situation because only one person is speaking to us—the single salesperson in a store, for instance—but usually that person reveals the true nature of the debate by acting as if there were actually a third person present with you.

Arguments are the most basic building blocks of debate. Understanding what makes arguments work distinguishes successful debaters from their less successful colleagues, and creates advantages for even the most experienced and precocious debaters. Arguments are like automobiles: If you understand how they work, you are likely to get more service out of them, understand what went wrong when they break down, and fix the problem before your next outing.

Debates proceed orally, at a relatively quick pace. Debaters do not have enough time to apply the detailed argument analysis techniques in the average debate and argumentation text. What matters most about argument theory to the average debater is simply this: to differentiates a bad argument from a good argument.

Argument is distinct from debate. An argument is an attempt to influence someone else in some direction. Usually, this direction is a matter of belief, adherence, or action. Some arguments are about facts. These arguments deal with facts or definitions in controversy and attempt to get the listener to believe in certain facts. Other arguments are about values. These arguments try to persuade the listener to adhere to particular value systems; alternately, they may use given value systems to persuade the listener to accept certain states of affairs as consistent with their values. Finally, some arguments are about policies. These arguments attempt to influence the listener in matters of policy or courses of action. In real life as in debate, however, these distinctions are far from clear. For example, questions of policy always involve questions of fact and value, even if these associations are always made implicitly.

Debate is the infrastructure for the presentation of many and various arguments, all of which can and usually do serve distinct and disparate functions throughout the course of a debate. Of course, in debate as in life, not all arguments are created equally. That is, some are more successful than others. The immediately relevant question for debaters is how to make successful arguments and how to make these successful arguments work in debates.

An argument is more than a claim. While a claim asserts that something is so, an argument attempts to prove why that thing is so. Debate is not a science. It has only a familial relationship to the practice of formal logic of the type used in classical mathematics or scientific proof. It is important to remember that proof in debate and argumentation is not like proof in mathematics or formal logic. So, The simplest definition of debate is that it is the formalized enactment of argumentation. The word 'formalized' is a key distinction between having an argument and engaging in a debate. For something to be formal it must have structure.

We think with our brains. We have no choice. It may seem that certain politicians think with other parts of their anatomy, but they too think with their brains, says George Lakoff. Why does this matter for politics? Because all thought is physical. Thought is carried out by neural circuits in the brain. We can only understand what our brains allow us to understand. The deepest of those neural structures are relatively fixed. They don’t change readily or easily. And we are mostly unconscious of their activity and impact. In fact, about 98 percent of what our brains are doing is below the level of consciousness. As a result, we may not know all, or even most, of what in our brains determines our deepest moral, social, and political beliefs. And yet we act on the basis of those largely unconscious beliefs. What goes on in people’s brains matters. The most important brain structures for our politics, can be studied from the perspective of the mind, they are called 'frames.'

Frames are mental structures that shape the way we see the world. As a result, they shape the goals we seek, the plans we make, the way we act, and what counts as a good or bad outcome of our actions.

You can’t see or hear frames. They are part of what we cognitive scientists call the cognitive unconscious—structures in our brains that we cannot consciously access, but know by their consequences. What we call 'common sense' is made up of unconscious, automatic, effortless inferences that follow from our unconscious frames. We also know frames through language. All words are defined relative to conceptual frames. When you hear a word, its frame is activated in our brain. Yes, in our brain, even when we negate a frame, we activate the frame. If I tell you, 'Don’t think of an elephant!,' you’ll think of an elephant. Not only does negating a frame activate that frame, but the more it is activated, the stronger it gets. The moral for political discourse is clear: When you argue against someone on the other side using their language and their frames, you are activating their frames, strengthening their frames in those who hear you, and undermining your own views. For progressives, this means avoiding the use of conservative language and the frames that the language activates. It means that you should say what you believe using your language, not theirs.

In politics, our frames shape our social policies and the institutions we form to carry out policies. To change our frames is to change all of this, social change is reframing. When we successfully reframe public discourse, we change the way the public sees the world. We change what counts as common sense. Because language activates frames, new language is required for new frames. Thinking differently requires speaking differently.

Reframing is not easy or simple. It is not a matter of finding some magic words. Frames are ideas, not slogans. Reframing is more a matter of accessing what we and like-minded others already believe unconsciously, making it conscious, and repeating it till it enters normal public discourse. It is an ongoing process. It requires repetition and focus and dedication.

To achieve social change, reframing requires a change in public discourse, and that requires a communication system. Reframing without a system of communication accomplishes nothing. Reframing is about honesty and integrity. It is the opposite of spin and manipulation. It is about bringing to consciousness the deepest of our beliefs and our modes of understanding. It is about learning to express what we really believe in a way that will allow those who share our beliefs to understand what they most deeply believe and to act on those beliefs.

Framing is also about understanding those we disagree with most. When a political leader puts forth a policy or suggests how we should act, the implicit assumption is that the policy or action is right, not wrong. No political leader says, 'Here’s what you should do. Do it because it is wrong—pure evil, but do it.' No political leader puts forth policies on the grounds that the policies don’t matter. Political prescriptions are assumed to be right. The problem is that different political leaders have different ideas about what is right. So, all politics is moral, but not everybody operates from the same view of morality. Moreover, much of moral belief is unconscious. We are often not even aware of our own most deeply held moral views. It is vital—for us, for our country—that we understand the values on which this country was founded. Pancasila is not just a slogan to make the father happy, but rather to understand the 'values' contained in it. If we are to keep on democracy, we must learn to articulate those values loud and clear.

Debate also has its value,  according to Jon M. Ericson, James J. Murphy, and Raymond Bud Zeuschner, the advantages of debate for you coincide exactly with the virtues of an ideal debater: first, the ability to collect and organize ideas. A successful debate speaker is one who can absorb vast amounts of material and select from it those items that are the best to use in a particular debate.

Second, the ability to subordinate ideas. A debater will hear about forty-¤ve hundred to ¤ve thousand words from the opponents during a typical single round of debate. Together with a colleague, this debater will deliver an additional forty-five hundred to five thousand words. Only by sorting out the major ideas from the minor ones can any speaker hope to make sense of this flood of words.

Third, the ability to evaluate evidence. Skill in gleaning the most important evidence is a hallmark of an intelligent speaker. Not every statement, quotation, statistic, or idea in a debate is worth the trouble of refutation.

Fourth, the ability to see logical connections. Aristotle once pointed out that the ability to see what is similar among dissimilar things is a mark of genius. The great mass of data presented during most debates causes confusion among the hearers; therefore the speakers who can identify the relationship between items help to clarify the debate for the audience and thus improve their own chances of success.

Fifth, the ability to think and speak in outline terms. Clarity is essential in a debate (and in any good communication, for that matter), during which the clash of ideas often confuses an audience. The debaters must have not only a perfectly clear mental outline of their entire case but also the ability to communicate the sense of that outline to the audience.

Sixth, the ability to speak convincingly. An awareness of what an audience expects—what it takes to convince that particular audience—is absolutely essential, both in debate and in other types of speaking.

Seventh, the ability to adapt. Since a debate is a fluid situation, constantly changing as new ideas are introduced by various speakers, it places a premium on readiness of reply. In practice, this readiness means that you must be not only well organized, logical, analytic, and convincing but also able to react to new ideas quickly..

Debate is a tool for resolving disagreements and bringing us together as a society. Debate is an incredibly important skill that can help build confidence, train people to think quickly on their feet, and become strong advocates for what they believe, says Jarrod Atchison. Debating is a competitive activity, but it’s also a way of learning, exchanging ideas, and gaining an understanding of other people’s perspectives. That understanding furnishes the basis for making better choices.

The importance of the distinction between argumentation and debate

becomes clear in the context of debate as a method of decision making. Imagine, a leader must make decisions quickly within limited time. It would be very risky if the leader had to postpone his decision just because he relied on a consultant, then discuss it over a cup of coffee. Of course, we don't want to have a leader who is slow to think. 

By the way, I was given enough time to talk, so, let's continue our talk, in the next talk, okay? Bi 'idznillah."

Then the sunflower sang,

Ih abang jahat, aku tuh cinta berat

[You are a bad guy, but I really love you]

Sini dong dekat-dekat, ku pegang erat-erat *)

[Come here, come close, I'll hold you tight]

Citations & References:

- George Lakoff, Don't Think of an Elephant: Know Your Values and Frame the Debate, 2014, Chelsea Green Publishing

- Jon M. Ericson, James J. Murphy & Raymond Bud Zeuschner, The Debater's Guide, 2003, Southern Illinois University Press

- John Meany & Kate Shuster, Art, Argument and Advocacy: Mastering Parliamentary Debate, 2002, International Debate Education Association

- Jarrod Atchison, The Art of Debate, 2017, The Great Course

*) "Ih Abang Jahat" written by Ecko Show

[Session 7]

[Session 5]

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