The Gentle Guard Dog (2)

"'The phrase 'watchdog' associated press has its roots in the very freemarket ideas rationales and public manifestations by individuals.' Ragotin continued, 'So, media or pers, is the gentle guard dog of democracy. Citizens who empower politicians, and to have control over them, convey some of this power, and journalists. Thus, two major functions meet journalists: people are properly informed and monitoring the work of politicians. Monitoring involves constant verification and exposing criticism of politicians actions and activities.

Informing means supporting trust decisions when they are beneficial and critiquing them when they are doing more harm than good. Both, however, should be made only in the interest of the readers, who at some point become voters. There are therefore two ways in which the media may relate to political power: the politicians want to redouble your power, and journalists have a duty to resist tension coming from them, and that's because citizens are deformed information subjects coming from the side of political power. Politicians follow, so they disguise their actions, and jurnaliştrii are designed to support public debate and determine the public to participate in decision making.

Since ancient times, the press pressure state political and religious concerns. She pulled in front and foremost political, but not what the rulers wanted to appear. Until the 1920s, three from the 19th century, when it appeared the newspapers for the general public, the information in the media addressed financial and aristocratic elite, bankers and economic or military nobility had control over the sources of communication.

The advent of modern democracy and the two fundamental concepts: freedom and equality, has resulted in changing the perception in terms of media domination. Although it escaped the political pressure somewhat with the advent of enlightenment thought, true liberation process was implemented with the expansion of communication in the public space, that is, when it was possible to equalize access to political information. From the beginning, the press has been checked and conducted by politicians.

Freedom of the press has really occurred as late as the 19th century, the Anglo-Saxon space, starting from the idea of John Locke—commonly known as the Father of Liberalism—who said that human freedom must not be constrained by the British Philosopher known in the Victorian period, John Stuart Mill, one of the most influential liberal thinkers of the 20th century, the 'freedom' or 'Liberty press' sees press freedom as a way of free speech of citizens. Thus, any enclosure of speech turns into an enclosure of civic freedom. The journalist is, accordingly, a representative of the natural rights of the citizens, he has no superior rights over others, but it's an individual endowed with a range of capabilities that helps him communicate to others their own opinion.

Information about the right to speak and Walter Lippmann, who argues that the truth comes out to light, only if they have the free debate which is taking place, may not be pressed by any constraints. The press, however, cannot be free unless he is assured a free and competitive economic environment.

While Edmund Burke had referred to the media, centuries ago, as the 'Fourth Estate' for its role as a counterweight to authoritarian government, the conception of the media as the fourth branch of government is tied to the U.S. context. As in Burke’s formulation, calling the media the fourth branch of government, draws attention to its considerable power. Winning a political election is effectively impossible without the support of the media, or at least its attention. Conceptualizing the media as the fourth branch of government also calls attention to the fact that it is the only branch without a counterweight; it is not subject to any constitutional system of checks and balances. Instead, it is subject only to private, economic power, of owners and advertisers.

While the legislature is meant to write laws, the executive to apply them, and the judiciary to enforce and interpret them, the media is meant to maintain the public sphere where laws are first proposed and debated. To nurture the public sphere, the media must provide a marketplace of ideas. Although this catchphrase has developed a liberal economic gloss from some commentators—suggesting the prescription that media companies be unregulated to provide a “free market” of media products—its original conception was limited to democratic, not economic, values. That is, the marketplace of ideas metaphor originally referred to a public sphere in which all ideas could be propounded, discussed, and debated—not a laissez faire media market in which media companies could do as they pleased with no governmental oversight. The metaphor is commonly traced to John Milton and John Stuart Mill, although neither explicitly used it. Both authors would likely have been hostile to the interpretation of the “marketplace of ideas” as an unregulated commercial media market; instead, their point was that the best hope for a self-governing society is to allow speakers of all political and ideological persuasions into the public sphere.

This conception of a marketplace of ideas may have accurately described a bygone era, in which anyone who wanted to start a competitive newspaper or magazine could do so with little difficulty, but this is not the case today. For one, the economics of media prevent all but the wealthiest or best financed from participating effectively in the modern public sphere. Second, technological developments have changed the playing field,' Ragotin added ending the conversation."

"Meanwhile, Miss Tabby meditated revenge day and night, at last an oppurtunity offered: The Lady of the house had a linnet—a mainly brown and gray finch with a reddish breast and forehead—which diversed her with his wild harmony. Puss one morning early, went incognita, and scratching , open the cage, strangled our musician, and in that condition, laid it in the Dog-Kennel.

You may judge what a fret madam was in when she missed the linnet; the whole house was in an uproar; they searched every creek and corner, at last, they found the true body of the deceased lying close by Ragotin. 'Ah! Traytor, let him die!,' says, she, no pardon for this ingrate.

You can't stop a general except with combat battalion. The servants, knew very well that 'the Watchdog' was innocent. They got together and proved that Miss Puss is the real culprit. 'In that case, okay!' says Madam, 'I forgive both of them, on the condition that they must forgive each other and carry out their duties as a 'buzzer' and an 'influencer' in this house.'

And so, two beings who were initially enemies over this trivial matter, forgive each other and start a new chapter by singing, 

Bukan maksudku, bukan maksudmu

[Not what I mean, not what you mean]

Untuk selalu meributkan hal yang itu-itu saja

[To always fuss over the same things]

Mengapa kita saling membenci?

[Why do we hate each other?]

Awalnya kita selalu memberi

[At first we always give]

Apakah mungkin hati yang murni

[Is it possible that a pure heart]

Sudah cukup berarti?

[meaningful enough?]

Ataukah kita belum mencoba

[Or have we not tried]

Memberi waktu pada logika?

[Give time to logic?]

Jangan seperti selama ini

[Don't be so far like this]

Hidup bagaikan air dan api *)

[Living like water and fire]

As a closing, Laluna added, "From a distance, a pair of eyes watched the two rejoicing creatures. The mouse, has an interesting concept as a 'win-win solution.' He will offer a concept called 'Media Oligopoly' with the tagline 'Who controls the data will rule the new world order post Industry 4.0. And Allah knows best."

Citations & References:
- Peter Beatties, Social Evolution, Political Psychology and the Media in Democracy, MacMillan
- Anna Maria Predilla, Media, The Gentle Guard Dog of Democracy, Annals of the University of Craiova for Journalism, Communication and Management
- Sieur Ded La Motte, One Hundred New Court Fables, Pater-Nofter-Row
*) "Air dan Api" written by Mohammad Amil Hussein

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