Prison Turned Palace: When Punishment Becomes a Five-Star Service

In a country like Indonesia, which professes a deep commitment to justice, prison can mean something far more flexible than any law dictionary would suggest. It is no longer a place of correction for the guilty. Still, it has blossomed into an exclusive villa, complete with air conditioning, a double-door fridge and—because one's quality of life must be maintained—a private golf simulator. The Ombudsman, arriving on a visit, was left rather taken aback, as though he had stumbled upon an unlisted branch of Airbnb: "Prison, but with five-star reviews." It would seem that, behind bars, justice can indeed be purchased in weekly instalments.

The Sultan Inmate and His Little Kingdom

Let us call him the Sultan Inmate—a fitting title for a prisoner whose standard of living has, remarkably, improved since his conviction. His cell no longer smells of damp and confinement, but of air freshener, arranged as neatly as a five-star hotel room. In one corner, a fridge hums quietly, stocked with imported snacks. In another, a golf simulator stands proudly, ready to accompany afternoons that are supposedly steeped in remorse. If punishment is meant to deter, then perhaps the only ones truly deterred are the ordinary people who hear of it from beyond the perimeter fence.

The Warder Who Became a Concierge

What completes this transformation so neatly is the shift in the role of prison staff. No longer mere gatekeepers of iron doors, they have metamorphosed into concierge warders—figures who, with a courteous smile, offer a "premium residency package" complete with an unwritten price list. Fancy a larger cell? There's a rate for that. Fancy coming and going for personal errands? It can be arranged, provided communication flows smoothly. The function of rehabilitation has quietly given way to the function of service, and the prison has become something akin to a transit hotel for those who can afford the comfort.

 

The Ombudsman: A Tourist Lost in a Prison Airbnb

Whenever such news leaks to the public, a delegation of independent watchdogs duly arrives, faces solemn and notebooks in hand. Unfortunately, their expressions tend to resemble those of tourists who have just landed somewhere entirely unexpected: full of astonishment, faintly nervous, and repeatedly asking, "Is this really a prison?" They photograph the air conditioning units fixed to the cell walls, note down the make of the fridge, and then compile a report that, for reasons unclear, rarely changes very much at all. The inspection becomes an annual ritual, while the premium amenities carry on operating as usual the moment the delegation departs.

 

A Global Phenomenon: From Sukamiskin to Elsewhere

This phenomenon of the luxury prison is by no means confined to one country. It is, in fact, something of a global trend, born of a combination of money, power and lax oversight. A few examples serve to season the satire:

• Indonesia — The 2018 Sukamiskin Prison scandal revealed how inmates convicted of corruption could enjoy luxurious facilities within their cells, and even secure permission to come and go with ease.
• The Philippines — In 2014, a raid on the New Bilibid Prison uncovered cells fitted with jacuzzis, saunas and even a private recording studio.
• Venezuela — San Antonio Prison was once known to house a swimming pool, a nightclub and even a basketball court, all run by an influential inmate.
• Mexico — Inmates affiliated with drug cartels have reportedly lived amid lavish facilities, complete with grand parties held within the prison compound.
• Italy — Several mafia figures have served their sentences in cells that resemble private apartments rather more than places of confinement.

This recurring pattern across different countries points to a single common thread: wherever prison oversight is weak and money finds an easy way in, prisons cease to be spaces of justice and become, instead, a black market for comfort.

 

When Bureaucracy Becomes a Broker of Comfort

Behind every neatly installed golf simulator lies a chain of bureaucracy that allowed it through the gates. Petty bribery dismissed as mere "custom", oversight that stops at paperwork, and sanctions that rarely touch those truly responsible—all of this creates an ecosystem in which the prison shifts from a correctional institution into something resembling a black market for comfort. What is being traded is not simply goods, but something far more valuable: exemption from the very hardship that punishment is meant to impose.

 

Closing Thoughts: Justice Measured by the Thickness of One's Wallet

If the prison has become a palace, then ordinary people are left to watch from beyond the fence, discovering that a punishment they had imagined to be harsh and deterring can, in fact, come fitted with a fridge and air conditioning for those able to pay. In this country, it would seem, justice is no longer a matter of right or wrong, but of how thick one's wallet happens to be. And so long as warders can still play the role of receptionists, and inspections remain little more than an annual sightseeing trip, one should hardly be surprised if, before long, someone innocently asks whether the next prison will be offering a loyalty scheme, complete with reward points for one's stay.

Bahasa

Impeaching the Indonesian Vice-President: Would the President Be Affected Too?

The discourse surrounding the possible impeachment of Indonesian Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka raises a fundamental question: does the removal of a vice president automatically entail the removal of the president as well? This article argues that, from a constitutional standpoint, there is no provision requiring President Prabowo Subianto to be removed alongside Gibran should the latter be impeached. The phrase “and/or” in Article 7A of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia explicitly allows for the separation of these two legal subjects. Nevertheless, the article also acknowledges that the “single-ticket” logic circulating in public discourse rests on a political foundation that cannot simply be dismissed, even though that foundation differs in nature from a constitutional-law foundation.

I. Introduction: The Background to the Debate

The question of impeaching Vice-President Gibran Rakabuming Raka came to the fore after the Forum of Retired Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) Personnel sent a formal proposal to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and the House of Representatives (DPR). The development drew a response from Indonesia's seventh president, Joko Widodo, who stated that any impeachment ought to be carried out as a “single package”, since the president and vice-president are elected together on one ticket.

That statement immediately sparked debate among constitutional law scholars. The question is simple yet fundamental: is impeachment genuinely bound by the same “single-ticket” logic that governs nomination and election? This article sets out to answer that question systematically, grounding its analysis in the constitutional text, Indonesia's constitutional practice, and the views of constitutional law experts that are already well established in both academic and public discourse.

II. The Principal Argument: Impeachment Can Proceed Separately

A. The Phrase “and/or” in Article 7A of the Constitution

The starting point for this argument lies in the wording of Article 7A of the 1945 Constitution, which provides that the president and/or the vice-president may be removed from office during their term by the People's Consultative Assembly upon a proposal from the House of Representatives. Grammatically and legally, the phrase “and/or” carries three possible meanings at once: removal may be imposed on the president alone, on the vice-president alone, or on both simultaneously. Such a choice of wording is no drafting accident; rather, it reflects a deliberate decision by the framers of the Constitution to build flexibility into the removal mechanism, so that it can be applied to whichever office-holder has actually committed the violation in question.

Mukhlish, in his work Konstitusionalitas Impeachment: Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia (The Constitutionality of Impeachment: The President and Vice-President in Indonesia), offers a comprehensive account of the constitutionality of impeachment in post-amendment Indonesian constitutional law, including the position of the Constitutional Court within that process. In a similar vein, Jimly Asshiddiqie, across various writings on constitutional law, has argued that the phrase “and/or” was a conscious choice by the framers intended to provide flexibility in the removal mechanism, rather than a mere linguistic variation devoid of legal significance.

B. An Identical Procedure, Applied Separately

Article 7B of the Constitution sets out a removal procedure that is, in essence, identical for both the president and the vice-president: it begins with a proposal from the House of Representatives, proceeds to an examination by the Constitutional Court of the alleged legal violation, and concludes with a decision by the People's Consultative Assembly. What deserves particular emphasis is that not a single clause in Article 7B states that proceedings against the vice-president must be accompanied by, or must result in, proceedings against the president.

In Chapters III and IV of his book, Mukhlish specifically sets out the position of the Constitutional Court within the judicial power system and examines the constitutionality of impeaching the president and/or the vice-president in Indonesia. This discussion is reinforced by an article in Jurnal Konstitusi (Constitution Journal) entitled “The Independence of the Constitutional Court in the Process of Impeaching the President and/or Vice-President”, which affirms that the Constitutional Court bears a constitutional obligation to rule on the House of Representatives' opinion regarding the removal of the president and/or the vice-president, without requiring that both be processed simultaneously.

C. Constitutional Practice: The Precedent of a Vice-President's Resignation

Indonesia's constitutional history has in fact already produced a precedent showing that a vice-president can relinquish office independently, without affecting the president's position. In 1956, Vice-President Mohammad Hatta resigned from office owing to a divergence of political vision with President Sukarno. President Sukarno nonetheless remained in office until 1967, well beyond the point of Hatta's resignation. This precedent stands as empirical evidence that the separation between the offices of president and vice-president is not merely a theoretical construct, but something that has genuinely occurred in the practice of Indonesian statecraft.

Dr Febriansyah Ramadhan, a lecturer in constitutional law at the Faculty of Law, Universitas Pendidikan Nasional, raised this historical precedent in his opinion piece “Menjernihkan Jabatan Wakil Presiden” (“Clarifying the Office of the Vice-President”), published by Hukumonline in 2025, as a basis for the argument that the vice-presidency can come to an end independently of the presidency.

D. The Views of Contemporary Constitutional Law Scholars

A number of contemporary constitutional law experts likewise maintain that the impeachment of a vice-president can proceed separately from that of the president. Zainal Arifin Mochtar, Professor of Constitutional Law at Universitas Gadjah Mada, has stated in various public remarks that the impeachment process for a vice-president can run independently, depending on prevailing legal and political dynamics. A similar view was expressed by Professor Siti Zuhro, a Principal Researcher formerly with LIPI and now under BRIN, who told national media that the “single-ticket” logic is only relevant in the context of elections, not in the context of impeachment.

III. The Counter-Argument: The “Single-Package” Logic

An Inseparable Pair of Candidates

The argument against separating impeachment proceedings typically rests on the fact that the president and vice-president are elected as a single pair of candidates in one round of voting. The reasoning runs as follows: if one member of that pair is found to have committed a serious violation, the mandate the electorate conferred upon the pair as a whole is thereby tainted, and removal should therefore extend to both. This is precisely the view expressed by Indonesia's seventh president, Joko Widodo, when he stated that the president and vice-president were elected as a single package, not separately.

IV. Analysis: Why the “Single-Package” Logic Is Not Constitutionally Sound

On closer examination, the “single-package” logic, when applied to impeachment, is mistaken because it conflates two mechanisms that are fundamentally different in character: the electoral mechanism and the accountability mechanism. Joint election as a single ticket is an instrument of electoral democracy, whose function is to determine the pair of leaders who will govern together. Impeachment, by contrast, is an instrument of constitutional law whose function is to enforce accountability for legal violations or disgraceful conduct committed by an individual office-holder. The two instruments differ entirely in their legal basis, purpose and procedure, and it is therefore not appropriate to impose the logic governing one instrument upon the other.

Articles 7A and 7B of the Constitution expressly separate the legal subjects who may be impeached, through their use of the phrase “and/or”. Had the framers of the Constitution intended impeachment always to proceed as a single package, the wording used would surely have been “the President and the Vice-President”, without the “or” option, as is customary in the drafting of norms intended to be cumulative in effect. The deliberate inclusion of an option for separation should instead be read as a clear expression of constitutional intent, rather than a mere linguistic oversight.

Furthermore, where a vice-president commits a legal violation that does not involve the president at all, there is no constitutional basis whatsoever for impeaching the president as well. Forcing the president's removal in such a situation would run directly counter to the principle of due process of law and the presumption of innocence, since an individual ought only to be held legally accountable for their own conduct, not for the conduct of another person, even one bound to them within the same governing pair.

V. Conclusion

On the basis of the foregoing analysis, it may be concluded that, as a matter of constitutional law, the impeachment of Vice-President Gibran Rakabuming Raka would not automatically entail the impeachment of President Prabowo Subianto. Articles 7A and 7B of the Constitution create room for the separation of legal subjects through the phrase “and/or”, and the procedure for impeaching a vice-president can, in principle, proceed independently, as has previously occurred in Indonesia's constitutional history and as is supported by well-established doctrine in constitutional law.

That said, in political terms, the actual composition of the House of Representatives and the patronage relationship between the president and vice-president remain decisive factors in whether any attempt to impeach Gibran would genuinely proceed. Although a separate impeachment is legally possible, its political realisation depends heavily on the political will of the president and his supporting coalition — meaning that the legal path and the political path in this matter ought to be understood as two distinct, if closely intertwined, domains.

Books

Mukhlish. Konstitusionalitas Impeachment: Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia. Malang: Setara Press, 2016. ISBN: 978-602-1642-80-1.

Soimin. Impeachment Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: UII Press, 2009.

Irham, Muhammad. Teori dan Konsep Pemakzulan Presiden dalam Sistem Presidensial. Depok: Rajagrafindo Persada, 2026.

Legislation

Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945, Articles 7A and 7B.

Law No. 24 of 2003 concerning the Constitutional Court, Articles 80–85.

Articles and Other Sources

Ramadhan, Febriansyah. “Menjernihkan Jabatan Wakil Presiden.” Hukumonline, 2025.

CNN Indonesia. “Jokowi soal Usulan Pemakzulan Gibran: Presiden dan Wapres Itu Sepaket.” 6 June 2025.

Jurnal Konstitusi. “Independensi Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Proses Pemakzulan Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden.” Mahkamah Konstitusi RI.

Author's note: This article is an initial concept piece that could be developed further through empirical research into current political conditions..

Bahasa

A Reflection on Roots, Humility and the Legitimacy of Leadership

1.Great Leaders Never Forget Where They Began

It is a simple sentence, yet it holds a truth that has proved itself time and again throughout human history. Leadership is often understood narrowly, as a position, a chair, or an authority attached to someone once they are elected or appointed. Yet long before a person takes their seat of power, they have already travelled a long road: raised in a particular environment, shaped by hardship, tempered by failure, and sustained by people who believed in them before there was much reason to.

Leadership, then, is not merely an administrative status. It is a journey rooted in early experience, in the community one comes from, and in the values that shape how a person sees the world. Those roots later become the moral compass that guides a leader when power arrives bearing the temptation to change.

The relevance of this idea feels stronger than ever today. No shortage of leaders—across the world, Indonesia included—have lost their legitimacy not for want of technical competence, but because the public sensed they had changed: forgetting their promises, forgetting the ordinary people who once supported them, and forgetting the values they once fought for. This article traces the philosophical meaning, the social and spiritual dimensions, the risks, and real-world examples of the idea that authentic leadership cannot be separated from loyalty to one's origins.

2. Philosophical Meaning

Philosophically, the idea of “never forgetting where one began” can be unpacked into three interlocking layers of thought.

The Roots of the Journey

Genuine leaders are not, at the outset, great figures. They emerge from small experiences: economic hardship, early setbacks, direct interaction with ordinary people, or long struggles that rarely make the headlines. These experiences shape a way of seeing the world that no classroom or leadership course can fully replicate—an empathy born of lived experience rather than theory.

Humility

The second layer is humility—the willingness to keep remembering everyone who once supported, mentored, or gave an opportunity at the crucial turning points of the journey. Humility is not merely good manners on the surface; it is a deep awareness that no one's success is ever entirely their own doing. There was always a teacher who taught, a community that carried them, and ordinary people who placed their trust in them.

Moral Value

The third layer, and perhaps the most fundamental, is moral value. Authentic leadership is rooted in integrity—consistency between what is said and what is done—rather than in personal ambition pursued for its own sake. When integrity becomes the foundation, remembering one's origins is no longer a sentimental choice but the logical consequence of how a person understands the power entrusted to them.

3. Social and Spiritual Dimensions

The Social Dimension

Leaders who remain connected to the community they came from—engaging directly, listening to grievances, and refusing to build walls between themselves and ordinary people—tend to earn trust that lasts far longer. This closeness is not merely a political image; it is a social mechanism that keeps a leader receiving honest feedback about the real state of society, rather than reports filtered through layers of bureaucracy.

The Spiritual Dimension

In many religious and philosophical traditions, power is understood as a trust—something entrusted to a person and for which they must ultimately answer—rather than simply a right to be exercised at will. This view positions a leader not as the owner of power but as a temporary custodian of a duty for which they will one day be held to account, whether by history, by the people, or—for those who believe it—by God.

The Pragmatic Dimension

Beyond its philosophical and spiritual meaning, remembering one's origins also serves a practical purpose. It helps a leader stay oriented towards shared goals rather than personal interest or the interests of a small circle around them. A leader who still remembers their early struggles finds it easier to resist the temptation of shortcuts that benefit themselves at the public's expense.

4. The Risks of Forgetting One's Roots

Conversely, when a leader begins to forget where they came from, several serious risks lie in wait.

●     Alienation from the people — a leader who drifts away from their community of origin gradually loses the social footing and moral support that once formed the basis of their legitimacy.

●    The arrogance of power — too great a distance from one's roots often breeds the illusion of being untouchable, immune to criticism, and above the norms that apply to ordinary people.

●       The loss of legitimacy — once the public senses that a leader is no longer authentic, no longer reflecting the values they once championed, public trust collapses, even if the office they hold remains formally intact.

These three risks are closely intertwined. Alienation breeds arrogance, arrogance accelerates the loss of legitimacy, and the loss of legitimacy in turn deepens alienation—a vicious circle that is difficult to break without a leader's own honest self-awareness.

5. Historical and Contemporary Examples

History records a number of world leaders known precisely for their humility and closeness to ordinary people, even after reaching the height of power. Nelson Mandela, for instance, is remembered not only for ending apartheid but for his refusal to seek revenge and his willingness to embrace those who once oppressed him—a reflection of his awareness of the long road of struggle he had walked, including his years on Robben Island. Mahatma Gandhi, likewise, continued to live simply and stay close to India's ordinary people even as he became the central figure of the independence movement.

History also records many figures who fell precisely because they forgot the roots of their struggle: leaders who isolated themselves from the people, surrounded themselves with a closed circle of power, and ultimately lost support exactly when they needed it most. This pattern repeats across different eras and countries, showing that downfall through forgetting one's origins is not a new phenomenon but the same historical lesson repeating itself.

In Indonesia's current context, public discourse on leadership often circles back to a similar question: do leaders—at the national and regional level alike—still listen to the voices of ordinary people, or have they become absorbed in the comfort of power and the distance of the elite? Debates over officials' lifestyles, their responsiveness to public aspirations, and the consistency between campaign promises and the policies they actually carry out reflect the same long-standing question: how far a leader still remembers where they began.

6. Conclusion

Authentic leadership is not merely attaining a position; it is a journey rooted in one's origins—in small experiences, in the community that raised a person, and in the values that shaped their character. That journey only carries meaning when it is conducted with integrity, guided by the awareness that power is a trust, and sustained by the humility to keep remembering everyone who played a part in the process of becoming.

In the end, great leaders are not remembered solely for their string of achievements or the power they once held. They are remembered for their loyalty to the roots that shaped them—for the courage to remain humble amid power, and for the honesty never to forget where they truly began.

Bahasa

Officials Who Vanish Like Djinns

Prologue: Black Magic Without the Incense

In this country, Indonesia, a branch of the occult is taught at no Islamic boarding school. It appears on no university syllabus, yet a certain class of public officials practise it with great fluency: the art of vanishing. No incense is required, nor a cloak, nor seven days and seven nights of fasting. A single condition will do: make sure your name is mentioned in connection with a sting operation by the Corruption Eradication Commission, the KPK. The moment the news breaks, the body that only yesterday was cheerfully snipping the ribbon on a new bridge grows thin, fades, and slips out of view, as though the laws of gravity and the criminal code alike had been suspended for anyone of sufficient rank.

The public, meanwhile, settles into their seats as loyal viewers. No subscription is needed, and no ticket. Switch on the television or open a phone, and the most expensive soap opera in the republic streams for free, sponsored, as ever, by the taxpayer.

 

Motive: When Corruption Gets Promoted to a Genre

Every time the KPK carries out an OTT, the operasi tangkap tangan or ‘caught-red-handed operation’, the whole nation holds its breath and wonders who will land the lead role this time. The synopsis is almost always the same, yet somehow it never grows dull. There are billions of rupiah, laid out as neatly as a contemporary art exhibition. There are land disputes and construction projects worth enough to build a hundred schools, which somehow always end up as one very large house. There are building permits which, in other countries, are mere slips of paper, but which here carry a price, a tariff and, on occasion, a discount for loyal customers.

Corruption is no longer just a breach of the law. It has been promoted to a genre in its own right, complete with all the rules of dramatic construction: conflict, intrigue, witnesses who suddenly lose their memories and, of course, a twist around every corner. At first the money is said to be the proceeds of a business venture; then it becomes a deposit, then a loan, and by the final episode it is the winnings of an extended family’s savings circle, the arisan, which happened to amount to well over ten billion rupiah. Any scriptwriter would be green with envy at such creativity.

 

Episode 1: The Leading Man Vanishes from the Screen

The opening scene is always dramatic. Sirens, camera flashes, and the solemn phrase read out by the spokesperson: a caught-red-handed operation has been carried out. The public waits for the leading man’s face to appear on screen. But, like the celebrity guest star who is far too famous to turn up for filming, he is nowhere to be seen. His phone is switched off, his aide knows nothing, and his driver has just taken leave to visit his home village. He has not run away, his associates insist; he is simply not somewhere that can be found.

 

Episode 2: The Empty Chair, Best Supporting Actor

In the second episode the camera moves to the parliament building and lingers on the new star, the most reliable attendee of all: the empty chair. Meeting after meeting, it sits faithfully in the front row, its nameplate still proudly in place, as though its owner had just stepped out for a cup of coffee and never came back. The empty chair is the most disciplined employee in the land. It is never late, never dozes off in a session, never accepts an envelope, and never issues a statement that causes a stir. If every legislator were as good as it is, the republic might have been clean long ago.

Behind the comedy, however, the empty chair carries a bitter meaning. It is a small monument to accountability, which left without saying goodbye. Every nameplate sitting idle in front of a vacant seat is like a headstone that has not yet been given a date.

 

Episode 3: The Official Returns, Armed with a Familiar Excuse

After a while, the official reappears, naturally with an announcement full of pathos. The excuse is astonishing only because we already know the whole list by heart. He was at prayer, and who would dare challenge a man in communion with God? He had another engagement of great importance which, regrettably, cannot be explained. Or he was suddenly taken ill, with some mysterious ailment that clears up miraculously just as the meeting ends. The public is invited to believe, and if it does not believe, the public is invited to keep quiet.

At this point the audience is treated like a small child told to swallow its vegetables without asking why. We are asked to believe that coincidence can strike again and again with the regularity of a railway timetable; that whenever a case comes to light there is always some urgent act of worship, some sudden illness, some appointment that simply cannot be moved.

 

Episode 4: A Cliffhanger Ending, as Usual

A good soap opera always closes its season on a cliffhanger, and the producers of this country know the rule well. Has the official truly vanished, or is he merely hiding in the thick undergrowth of bureaucratic jargon? Perhaps he is sheltering behind such magic phrases as ‘we respect the legal process’, ‘we await the official statement’, or ‘that is a matter for another party’. Those sentences work far better than any invisibility cloak in a wizarding novel. The audience is told to wait for the next season, and then the season after that, until it has forgotten who it was looking for in the first place. 

The Bureaucratic Djinn: Present for the Signature, Gone for the Accountability

To be honest, our officials are in fact highly skilled djinns, though of a particular kind: the bureaucratic djinn. Its pattern of appearances is consistent and entirely predictable. It materialises in a crisply pressed safari suit at every groundbreaking ceremony, at every group photograph and, above all, at every signing of a project contract whose value leaves the calculator short of zeros. On such occasions it is present one hundred per cent, arriving early and leaving late. But when the time comes to explain where the money went, its body evaporates once more, leaving behind only the scent of expensive cologne in the meeting room.

The irony is that a genuine djinn is at least honest about its nature. It never pretends to be a human being who has promised to serve the people. The bureaucratic djinn takes its oath of office with one hand on the holy book, and then disappears with the very same hand.

More depressing still, the evidence turns out to be far easier to find than its owner. Piles of seized cash are displayed neatly in front of the cameras, photographed from every angle, counted again and again in front of the reporters. It is so real, so solid and so famous that we are left wondering who, exactly, is the ghost in this story. The money exists; it can be touched, counted, and entered into the case file. It is the owner who cannot be seen, heard or reached. In this country, it seems, a pile of banknotes may appear on the front page before the man who will admit to owning it. 

Epilogue: What Has Vanished Is Not the Djinn but the Shame

So let us set one thing straight: the official who vanishes is not a djinn. A djinn needs no state-funded car, no entourage of aides, and no political party ready to close ranks around him. The official who disappears from the screen is simply an ordinary human being who knows perfectly well that the system around him is hospitable enough to let him disappear. He can vanish because the legal process crawls along at the pace of a tortoise in judicial robes; because there is a culture that treats corruption as an occupational hazard; because the circles of power are busier protecting their friends than protecting public trust; and because we, the public, are too quick to look away the moment a new show comes on.

In other words, the empty chair is not merely a mirror held up to the official; it is a mirror held up to all of us. It reflects the face of a system so accustomed to repeating the same script that it has forgotten this is not a soap opera. This is the pothole-ridden road, the leaking school roof and the clinic that has run out of medicine, whose funding vanished along with the leading man.

 

The question we ought to be asking is no longer ‘where has the official gone?’ but ‘who let him go, and why are we still watching?’ Until an answer is sought, this drama will run on, season after season, with the empty chair patiently waiting and the audience quietly paying the entire cost of production.

Note: This essay is a work of satire that draws attention to general patterns and phenomena; it does not accuse any particular individual. Everyone remains entitled to the presumption of innocence until proven guilty in a court of law.

Bahasa

True Luxury: Time, Health, Peace of Mind, and the Wisdom of Revelation

There is a quiet but persistent idea circulating in contemporary wellness and lifestyle writing, often associated with the content creator Jade Bonacolta: that true luxury has nothing to do with material accumulation. Instead, it resides in six simple, often overlooked gifts — time, health, a tranquil mind, unhurried mornings, the freedom to travel, and a home filled with love. This idea resonates far beyond social media aphorisms. Read carefully, it echoes principles that have been embedded in Islamic scripture and prophetic teaching for fourteen centuries. This article explores each of the six "luxuries" and traces its roots in the Qur'an and Hadith.

 

1. Time: The Asset We Waste Most Freely

Bonacolta's framing of time as "a space for savouring life's journey" rather than merely "a ticking clock" mirrors one of the shortest and most solemn chapters of the Qur'an.

"By time. Indeed, mankind is in loss, except for those who believe and do righteous deeds, and advise each other to truth, and advise each other to patience." (Surah Al-'Asr, 103:1–3)

The chapter's brevity is itself instructive: God swears by time as a matter demanding no elaboration, because its value is self-evident yet perpetually squandered. The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ reinforced this in a well-known hadith recorded in Sahih al-Bukhari:

"There are two blessings that many people lose: health and free time." (Sahih al-Bukhari)

2. Health: The Forgotten Foundation

Bonacolta's observation that health is "the luxury we notice only once it's gone" is almost a paraphrase of the hadith cited above. The Qur'an, too, frames physical wellbeing as entirely dependent on divine will, not human entitlement:

"And when I am ill, it is He who cures me." (Surah Ash-Shu'ara, 26:80)

This verse, spoken by Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham), reframes health not as a possession but as a loan — something granted, and therefore something to be stewarded and thanked for, rather than taken for granted.

3. A Tranquil Mind: Freedom from Excess Worry

The idea that peace of mind is "not the absence of problems but reconciliation with oneself" has a direct Qur'anic parallel:

"Those who believe and whose hearts find rest in the remembrance of Allah. Verily, in the remembrance of Allah do hearts find rest." (Surah Ar-Ra'd, 13:28)

The Prophet's brief counsel — "Do not become angry" (la taghdab), repeated three times to a man seeking a single piece of advice (Sahih al-Bukhari) — captures the same principle Bonacolta describes: emotional regulation, not external circumstance, is the real determinant of inner calm.

4. Slow Mornings: The Blessed Beginning

The Qur'an opens an entire chapter with an oath by the dawn:

"By the dawn." (Surah Al-Fajr, 89:1)

And the Prophet ﷺ is reported to have prayed:

"O Allah, bless my nation in its early mornings." (Recorded by al-Tirmidhi — grading should be verified before citing)

This theological emphasis on the early hours as spiritually charged time gives Bonacolta's "unhurried morning" a devotional dimension: the quiet cup of coffee, the soft light, the whispered prayer are not indulgences but continuations of a prophetic pattern of beginning the day deliberately, not reactively.

5. Travel: Expanding the Self by Expanding the World

Bonacolta's link between travel and "broadened perspective" finds direct scriptural instruction:

"Say: Travel through the land and observe how He began creation." (Surah Al-'Ankabut, 29:20)

Qur'anic travel is never purely recreational; it is framed as an epistemic and spiritual exercise — a way of reading the world as a text alongside scripture. The Prophet's own travel prayer situates journeying within a framework of humility and dependence on God, rather than self-sufficient adventure:

"O Allah, You are the Companion on the journey and the Successor over the family." (Sahih Muslim)

6. A Home Filled with Love: The Small Paradise

The final and perhaps most emotionally resonant "luxury" — a loving home — is directly addressed in one of the Qur'an's most quoted verses on marriage and family:

"And among His signs is that He created for you spouses from among yourselves, that you may find tranquillity in them; and He placed between you affection and mercy." (Surah Ar-Rum, 30:21)

The triad named here — sakinah (tranquillity), mawaddah (affection), and rahmah (mercy) — corresponds almost precisely to Bonacolta's description of home as a space of security, warmth, and belonging. The Prophet ﷺ extended this to the spiritual atmosphere of the home itself:

"Do not turn your houses into graveyards; indeed Satan flees from the house in which Surat al-Baqarah is recited." (Sahih Muslim)

Conclusion: Luxury Redefined

What emerges from placing these six ideas alongside scripture is not a coincidental overlap but a striking convergence. Contemporary minimalist and wellness discourse — of which Jade Bonacolta's reflections are one popular expression — has, whether consciously or not, rediscovered a value system the Qur'an and Hadith articulated long ago: that the truest wealth is unhurried time, sound health, a settled heart, a blessed morning, an expanded worldview, and a loving household. None of these can be purchased outright; all of them can be cultivated through gratitude (shukr), remembrance (dhikr), and deliberate living.

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The Handover of Indonesia's Finance Ministry: From Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa to Suahasil Nazara

1. Background to the Handover

On 14 September 2026, at the State Palace, President Prabowo Subianto formally inaugurated Suahasil Nazara as Indonesia's new Minister of Finance, succeeding Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa. The appointment drew considerable public attention, given that the Ministry of Finance is among the most strategic portfolios in government—not merely as the steward of the state budget, but also as the government's principal interlocutor with domestic and international financial markets.

Suahasil Nazara is no stranger to the Ministry of Finance. He has served as Vice Minister of Finance since 2019, a tenure spanning several critical phases of fiscal policy, from the Covid-19 pandemic and post-pandemic recovery through to the transition of government from President Joko Widodo to President Prabowo Subianto. This lengthy institutional exposure has given him a deep understanding of the Ministry's internal workings, its wider bureaucratic network, and its relationships with allied institutions such as Bank Indonesia, the Financial Services Authority (OJK), and international credit rating agencies.

His extensive track record in fiscal affairs, coupled with his academic standing as a Professor at the University of Indonesia, has established him as a figure widely regarded as possessing a thorough grasp of the intricacies of Indonesian fiscal policy. It is precisely this combination of technocratic experience and academic credibility that has led many to view his appointment as a comparatively safe, low-surprise choice, rather than a risky policy experiment. At the same time, the reshuffle cannot be divorced from a broader context: President Prabowo's evident desire to ensure his economic team is solid as his administration approaches its middle years, precisely when pressure to deliver on development pledges tends to intensify.

 

2. Immediate Impact

Financial Markets

As a general rule, the replacement of a cabinet minister—particularly one holding as pivotal a post as Finance Minister—tends to provoke short-term volatility in financial markets. Investors typically adopt a wait-and-see posture while they gauge the incoming minister's likely policy direction, since markets, by their nature, prize certainty over change whose trajectory has yet to be clarified. Such volatility, however, is usually transient and tends to subside once the market receives sufficiently clear signals regarding policy continuity.

The State Budget (APBN)

In his early remarks, Suahasil stressed the importance of preserving the credibility and soundness of the State Budget (Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara, or APBN) so that it continues to command the confidence of both the public and investors. This emphasis matters because it signals continuity of fiscal policy during a period of leadership transition at the Ministry, given that fiscal credibility is an asset built up over a long period yet capable of being eroded rapidly should perceptions of policy uncertainty take hold. Such statements also function as a form of forward guidance to the market, a practice commonly employed by fiscal and monetary officials alike to dampen excessive speculation during periods of transition.

 

Fiscal Policy

The change of minister opens up the possibility of adjustments to strategy on the budget deficit and debt financing, although the broad direction of fiscal policy is likely to remain within the parameters already set by the Prabowo administration. This is unsurprising, given that Indonesian fiscal policy operates within a multi-year framework tied to the National Medium-Term Development Plan (RPJMN), meaning that a new finance minister—whatever his personal policy preferences—must still operate within boundaries already agreed with the President and the House of Representatives.

 

3. Policy Outlook

Looking ahead, fiscal policy under Suahasil Nazara's leadership is expected to remain firmly grounded in the pursuit of economic stabilisation, with the state budget projected to continue serving as the principal counterbalancing instrument, particularly in confronting domestic inflationary pressures and the lingering uncertainties of the global economy—ranging from volatile energy commodity prices and geopolitical tensions to the interest-rate trajectories set by central banks in advanced economies. In this context, the state budget functions not merely as an instrument of resource allocation, but also as a buffer that protects household purchasing power and business confidence whenever external shocks materialise.

Beyond stabilisation, the tax reform agenda is likely to command greater attention as a policy priority. Suahasil has long been recognised as a champion of broadening the tax base and enhancing fiscal transparency throughout his career at the Ministry of Finance, so it is reasonable for both the public and market participants to expect a renewed push on widening the tax base, digitalising tax administration, and strengthening taxpayer compliance during his tenure. Such measures matter greatly for long-term fiscal sustainability, given that Indonesia's tax-to-GDP ratio remains comparatively low relative to its regional peers, even as development spending needs—including for strategic national infrastructure projects—continue to rise year on year.

Alongside tax reform, the dimension of fiscal decentralisation also warrants close attention as a policy direction likely to be reinforced. Suahasil's track record in the area of regional transfers, cultivated since his earlier posts at the Ministry of Finance prior to becoming Vice Minister, opens the possibility of strengthening a fairer, more performance-based system of transfers to regional governments. Should this direction indeed be pursued, its effects would be felt right down to the level of local government, particularly in regions with limited fiscal capacity that remain heavily dependent on central government balancing funds to finance basic services and local infrastructure development.

 

4. Matters Requiring Further Analysis

Several dimensions merit closer scrutiny to grasp the full implications of this handover. The first concerns investor confidence—namely, whether this change of finance minister will, in the medium to long term, enhance or diminish perceptions of Indonesia's fiscal stability. Investor confidence is not something built overnight; rather, it is cultivated through policy consistency, transparent public communication, and a demonstrable record of delivering on stated fiscal targets. In the early months of his tenure, both the public and the market will be watching closely how Suahasil manages policy communication, particularly at sensitive junctures such as the drafting of the annual budget bill or the release of periodic budget realisation data.

A second, equally important dimension concerns the relationship between Suahasil and President Prabowo Subianto, specifically the degree of independence he will enjoy in formulating and executing fiscal policy. As a minister drawn from the ranks of the bureaucratic-technocratic establishment rather than from a political party, Suahasil may, on one hand, enjoy greater technical latitude to devise policy grounded in data and analysis; on the other hand, he must also align his fiscal vision with the President's political agenda and flagship programmes, including populist initiatives that require substantial financing. Striking a balance between technocratic independence and political loyalty will be the true test of his leadership at the Ministry of Finance.

Third, the direction of state debt policy also deserves attention, particularly with respect to the financing of strategic infrastructure projects that remain a priority for the Prabowo administration. The fundamental question is whether Suahasil will continue the relatively conservative debt-financing approach pursued to date, or whether he will open greater scope for innovative financing instruments—such as public-private partnerships (KPBU), thematic bonds, or blended finance arrangements—to support infrastructure investment needs without unduly burdening the debt-to-GDP ratio.

Finally, the political dimension of this reshuffle should not be overlooked in any thorough analysis. The change of finance minister may also be read as part of President Prabowo's broader effort to consolidate power ahead of the second half of his term, with the appointment of a figure regarded as both loyal and technocratically competent serving as a strategy to ensure the cohesion of his economic team. Viewing this handover solely through an economic lens, without due regard to the underlying political dynamics, therefore risks producing an incomplete analysis, since major fiscal decisions are ultimately never divorced from political considerations at the executive level.

 

5. Purbaya versus Suahasil: A Comparison

Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa was known as an economist whose career originated in development planning, with experience at Bappenas (the National Development Planning Agency) lending his approach a macro-stability-oriented character. Throughout his tenure, Purbaya's principal focus was maintaining fiscal balance without pursuing sweeping policy breakthroughs. 

Suahasil Nazara, by contrast, hails from an academic and Ministry of Finance bureaucratic background. As a Professor at the University of Indonesia and Vice Minister of Finance since 2019, he has built a formidable reputation in fiscal affairs, particularly in tax reform and fiscal decentralisation. His policy style places greater emphasis on fiscal credibility and transparency, with ambitions to widen the tax base and strengthen the state budget's role as a stabilising instrument. 

The fundamental distinction between the two men therefore lies in their policy orientation: Purbaya tended towards safeguarding fiscal continuity, whereas Suahasil is more likely to bring about structural change through tax reform and fiscal decentralisation. This distinction is also mirrored in their respective backgrounds—one rooted in a development-planning tradition that prizes caution, the other in a technocratic fiscal-policy tradition more receptive to research- and data-driven change. This handover is thus not merely a routine change of personnel, but may be read as a signal of a more ambitious shift in fiscal policy direction under new leadership, and indeed as a reflection of President Prabowo's evident preference for a figure with a strong intellectual grounding in long-term policymaking.

Market Reaction Analysis

 

1. Movement of the Jakarta Composite Index (IHSG)

The movement of the Jakarta Composite Index (IHSG) on the day the ministerial change was announced revealed a dynamic well worth examining. Ahead of the official announcement, the IHSG had suffered a sharp correction of as much as -2.56%, driven by pressure from rising world oil prices—a negative sentiment originating from external factors entirely beyond the control of domestic economic authorities. Yet as news of Suahasil Nazara's inauguration as the new Finance Minister spread through the market, the IHSG reversed course, strengthening intraday by as much as +0.08%, before ultimately closing marginally lower by -0.10% at 6,534.69 for the day's trading session. This pattern—moving from a sharp decline to a swift rebound—suggests that the announcement of the ministerial handover functioned as a temporary counterweight to the negative sentiment that had previously dominated trading. In other words, domestic factors were, in this instance, able to cushion, if not entirely offset, the pressure stemming from global sentiment, meaning the modest closing loss can reasonably be read as a comparatively favourable outcome against the alternative scenario of a much steeper decline had no such domestic catalyst been present.

 

2. State-Owned Bank Shares

A clearer response was evident in the share price movements of state-owned banks. Shares in BBCA, BBRI, BMRI, BBNI and BBTN registered significant gains following the announcement, a phenomenon closely tied to the strategic role these state banks play as principal conduits for financing government programmes, including infrastructure and other priority sectors. Investors evidently regard Suahasil as a technocrat capable of both safeguarding fiscal credibility and maintaining effective communication with market participants, given his lengthy record of engagement with domestic and international financial institutions during his time as Vice Minister of Finance. This perception, in turn, has bolstered optimism regarding the stability of banking sector liquidity, while reinforcing market confidence that the synergy between government fiscal policy and the state banking sector will be sustained—particularly in supporting the financing of strategic national projects that require long-term funding support.

 

3. Investor Sentiment

On closer examination, investor sentiment towards this handover might best be characterised as measured optimism rather than unbridled euphoria. Market analysts generally regard the gains observed—both in the IHSG's intraday movement and in state-owned bank shares—as reflecting a cautious response to the change in Ministry of Finance leadership, rather than an outright conviction that all fiscal and economic challenges have been resolved at a stroke. One factor underpinning this measured optimism is the fact that Suahasil is by no means a newcomer to the Ministry's structure, having long been engaged in the formulation of fiscal policy since assuming the Vice Ministerial role in 2019. This track record is seen as guaranteeing continuity in the fiscal policy direction already under way, thereby minimising the risk of an abrupt, market-jolting change in policy. That said, this positive sentiment does not exist in isolation: pressure from world oil prices and the escalation of ongoing geopolitical conflict remain the principal external variables constraining the extent to which market sentiment can strengthen overall, leaving investors watchful of global developments in the period ahead.

 

4. Risks and Challenges

Behind the broadly positive market response lie a number of risks and challenges that warrant continued monitoring. Chief among these is fiscal deficit discipline, with investors likely to keep close watch on Suahasil's commitment to keeping the budget deficit below the statutory threshold of 3% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), as mandated under state finance law. Consistency in observing this limit remains one of the key indicators used by investors and international credit rating agencies to assess the overall health of Indonesia's public finances. In addition, policy on energy subsidies and government spending will also prove decisive for the stability of the rupiah and the government bond market, given that these two components account for a substantial share of the state budget's expenditure structure and are highly sensitive to fluctuations in global energy commodity prices. It bears emphasising, too, that the change of finance minister is, by its nature, only a temporary domestic catalyst, whereas external factors—ranging from the direction of global interest-rate policy and geopolitical tensions to commodity price volatility—remain far more dominant determinants of Indonesian financial market movements over the medium to long term.

🔎 Conclusion

The handover from Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa to Suahasil Nazara has been received by market participants as a welcome development, one that bolsters confidence in the continuity of Indonesia's fiscal policy. Although the IHSG closed marginally lower on the day of the announcement, the swift intraday rebound suggests that investor risk appetite is beginning to recover, even if it has not entirely shaken off the shadow of external pressures such as world oil prices and geopolitical tension. Ultimately, this change of leadership at the Ministry of Finance ought to be viewed as the opening of a new chapter—one presenting both opportunity and challenge in equal measure: opportunity for stronger fiscal reform, a broader tax base, and a fairer approach to fiscal decentralisation; but also the challenge of meeting heightened market and public expectations that fiscal credibility and budget discipline be maintained amid a global economic landscape still fraught with uncertainty. Whether Suahasil can successfully navigate both sides of this equation—balancing reformist ambition with fiscal prudence—will ultimately determine whether the positive sentiment observed in the early days of his tenure can be sustained over the longer term.

Note: This article has been adapted from an analytical framework and further developed with additional elaboration and context. Certain details and market figures should be independently verified against official news sources before being used for formal purposes.

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Old Money and New Money: History, Distinctions and the Social Meaning Behind Two Faces of Wealth

1. Introduction

In everyday conversation as much as in sociological scholarship, a distinction is commonly drawn between two categories of the wealthy, based on the origin of their fortune and the manner in which it is acquired and displayed: old money and new money, the latter also known by its French designation, nouveau riche. Although both groups occupy the uppermost tier of the economic pyramid, society's attitude towards each differs markedly. This essay examines the historical origins of both terms, sets out their principal distinctions, offers concrete examples, and considers the sociological debate that surrounds them.

2. The Historical Origins of "Old Money"

The concept of old money is rooted in the social structures of feudal and aristocratic Europe, in which wealth was transmitted through landholding, hereditary title, and inherited privilege. The sociologist Thorstein Veblen, in his study The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), introduced the notion of a leisure class — a class that lives off inherited wealth without the need to work, and which displays its social standing through what he termed conspicuous leisure and, more subtly, conspicuous consumption presented without ostentation.

In the United States, the term old money gained currency towards the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, referring to long-established wealthy families such as the Astors and later generations of the Vanderbilts, whose fortunes had by then been settled for more than one generation. This stood in contrast to the industrial magnates who had grown rich within the same period, an era that became known as the Gilded Age. Considerable social tension arose at the time between New York's old aristocratic families and the newly wealthy entrepreneurs who sought entry into elite social circles through displays of conspicuous luxury.

3. The Historical Origins of "New Money" and "Nouveau Riche"

The term nouveau riche derives from the French, meaning literally "newly rich". It first came into widespread use in France during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to describe the merchant and entrepreneurial class who had grown wealthy through trade and industry, in contrast to the nobility (noblesse), whose fortunes derived from inherited land and royal title.

Following the Industrial Revolution, the number of individuals who acquired great wealth within a comparatively short span of time rose sharply, driven by commerce, manufacturing, and financial speculation. This gave rise to a new social class possessed of considerable wealth but lacking what the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu would later term cultural capital — the refinements of taste, manner, and bearing that the established upper classes already possessed as a matter of course. The tension between the nouveau riche and the old aristocracy was widely portrayed in nineteenth-century literature, notably in the novels of Honoré de Balzac and Edith Wharton.

4. Principal Distinctions Between Old Money and New Money

Broadly speaking, the distinctions between old money and new money may be observed across the following dimensions.

 

4.1 Origin of Wealth

The wealth of old money families is typically inherited across generations, deriving from landed estates, family businesses that may have operated for decades or even centuries, hereditary title, or trust funds passed down from one generation to the next. New money, by contrast, is acquired within a single generation, often through entrepreneurial ventures, share investment, the entertainment industry, professional sport, or the rapidly expanding technology sector.

 

4.2 Patterns of Consumption

Old money tends towards understated luxury — refined and unostentatious, and generally avoiding conspicuous branding or logos. New money, on the other hand, more frequently favours conspicuous consumption: a visibly extravagant style marked by prominent logos and luxury goods openly displayed for others to see.

 

4.3 Attitudes Towards Money

Within old money circles, discussing money openly is generally regarded as unseemly. Among new money, by contrast, wealth is often treated as a marker of personal achievement and is thus more readily displayed as proof of success.

 

4.4 Social Capital

Old money possesses an exclusive social network established over a long period, comprising private clubs, elite schools, and intermarriage among wealthy families that reinforces social bonds across generations. New money, meanwhile, is still in the process of building such a network, and often must, quite literally, buy its way into the established elite social circle.

 

4.5 Education

Members of old money families are typically educated at boarding schools and particular universities that have become a family tradition passed down through generations. The educational background of new money individuals tends to be far more varied, with higher education frequently serving as the very avenue of social mobility that leads them towards wealth in the first place.

 

4.6 Public Perception

Old money is generally credited with an innate good taste and an established legitimacy of social standing that is rarely called into question. New money, conversely, is often stereotyped by the established elite as vulgar or garish, notwithstanding the fact that its wealth is frequently far more liquid and readily disposable.

 

4.7 Notable Individuals and Families

Examples of old money include the Rothschild family, later generations of the Vanderbilts, the Astor family, and the royal and noble houses of Europe. Examples of new money include Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, Jay-Z, and professional athletes whose fortunes were amassed rapidly within a single generation.

5. Theoretical Framework: Why Does This Distinction Exist?

 

5.1 Cultural and Social Capital According to Pierre Bourdieu

Pierre Bourdieu, in Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (1984), argued that social class is determined not solely by economic capital, or wealth, but also by cultural capital (taste, knowledge, manner of speech, habits) and social capital (networks of relationships). Old money families possess a cultural capital internalised from birth through upbringing and family socialisation — what Bourdieu termed habitus — such that their taste and comportment appear natural rather than affected. New money, by contrast, must consciously learn the cultural codes of the upper class, which can sometimes render their manner of self-presentation excessive or lacking in authenticity in the eyes of old money.

 

5.2 Conspicuous Consumption According to Thorstein Veblen

Veblen observed that those who have only recently come into wealth tend to signal their status through conspicuous consumption — the open acquisition of luxury goods as a means of asserting social position. Old money, whose social standing is already secure, has no need to prove anything to anyone, and its lifestyle therefore tends towards restraint and understatement — a phenomenon that has more recently been popularised under the term quiet luxury.

6. Illustrative Examples

 

6.1 Examples of Old Money

• The Rothschild family (Europe) — a banking dynasty whose fortune has been inherited since the eighteenth century.

• The Astor family and later generations of the Vanderbilts (United States) — wealth derived from real estate and the railways of the Gilded Age, passed down for more than a century.

• The royal and noble families of Europe, such as the British Royal Family and the Italian aristocracy.

• The Du Pont family — wealth derived from the chemical industry, inherited since the early nineteenth century.

6.2 Examples of New Money

• Technology entrepreneurs such as Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, and Jeff Bezos, whose fortunes were built within a single generation through business innovation.

• Celebrities and musicians such as Jay-Z and Rihanna, who have built commercial empires from the entertainment industry.

• Professional athletes whose lucrative contracts and sponsorships have transformed their economic circumstances within a remarkably short space of time.

• Oil and gas magnates across various countries whose fortunes have surged as a result of rising commodity prices.

7. Social Debate and Critique

The distinction between old money and new money is not without its critics. A number of sociologists contend that this categorisation is frequently deployed by the established upper class to preserve social exclusivity and to construct a hierarchy within a hierarchy — the implication being that wealth alone is insufficient for full acceptance into a given elite circle without the appropriate lineage. This bears close relation to the notion of social gatekeeping discussed by the sociologist C. Wright Mills in The Power Elite (1956), which examines how the American elite maintains its power through closed social networks rather than through wealth alone.

At the same time, a number of contemporary cultural commentators observe that the boundary between old money and new money has grown increasingly blurred in the modern era, particularly following the rise of the quiet luxury trend on social media (popularised in part by television series such as Succession), which has led middle-class younger generations, with no historical connection whatsoever to inherited wealth, to embrace the aesthetic of old money. This phenomenon is regarded by some observers as merely symbolic consumption, rather than a genuine reflection of underlying class structure.

8. Conclusion

Old money and new money constitute two social categories that emerged from the long history of class stratification in Europe and the United States. Old money represents wealth inherited across generations, accompanied by an established cultural and social capital, whereas new money represents wealth acquired independently within a single generation, often accompanied by efforts to construct a social legitimacy not yet fully recognised by the established elite. Nevertheless, the boundary between the two remains fluid, and its meaning continues to shift with changing times, economic globalisation, and popular cultural trends.

References

Bourdieu, Pierre. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Veblen, Thorstein. (1899). The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions. New York: Macmillan.

Mills, C. Wright. (1956). The Power Elite. New York: Oxford University Press.

Wharton, Edith. (1920). The Age of Innocence. New York: D. Appleton and Company.

Balzac, Honoré de. (1835). Le Père Goriot. Paris: Éditions Gallimard.

Aldrich, Nelson W. Jr. (1988). Old Money: The Mythology of America's Upper Class. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Birmingham, Stephen. (1958). Our Crowd: The Great Jewish Families of New York. New York: Harper & Row.

Domhoff, G. William. (1967). Who Rules America? Power, Politics, and Social Change. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Ferguson, Niall. (1998). The House of Rothschild: Money's Prophets, 1798–1848. New York: Viking Press.

Note: Please verify edition details, publishers, and publication years before relying on this for formal academic purposes.

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